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Tuesday, May 15, 2007

Oposición cubana crea consejo de relatores para monitorear los DDHH

Oposición cubana crea consejo de relatores para monitorear los DDHH

15 de mayo de 2007 / Agencias

La Habana - bitacoracubana - Un grupo de disidentes fundó este lunes en
La Habana un consejo de relatores de los derechos humanos para
monitorear las violaciones de los mismos en Cuba y luchar por la
libertad de los presos políticos, afirmaron sus dirigentes.

'Vamos a trabajar para fortalecer la disidencia interna, para monitorear
y denunciar todas las violaciones de los derechos humanos que se cometan
en Cuba', aseguró el abogado Juan Carlos González.

González, también presidente de la Fundación Cubana de los Derechos
Humanos, dijo que con ese objetivo se están 'fortaleciendo las
estructuras y creando comisiones y relatores en todo el país', y
reforzando 'la prensa independiente'.

Margarito Broche, uno de los 75 disidentes encarcelados en 2003,
condenado a 25 años, y excarcelado por razones de salud, fue electo
presidente del Consejo.

'Vamos a trabajar para la libertad de los presos políticos, por una
amnistía general para todos los presos políticos y de conciencia y por
el respeto de los derechos humamos en Cuba', dijo Broche.

La creación del consejo, ilegal al igual que todos los grupos
disidentes, coincidió con un juicio simbólico en La Habana contra el
gobierno de Estados Unidos y el anticastrista Luis Posada Carriles, a
quien Cuba le imputa la voladura de un avión en 1976, una cadena de
bombazos en hoteles en 1997 y planes para asesinar a Fidel Castro.

'Desconocemos lo que hizo Posada Carrilles', respondió Broche a una
pregunta de la prensa, y dijo que los disidentes no dan crédito a las
imputaciones oficiales cubanas.

'Estamos totalmente en contra de cualquier acto violento y de cualquier
acto que vaya contra la vida de los seres humanos', añadió González.

Acerca del financiamiento del nuevo consejo, explicó que tendrá la
contribución de sus miembros, pero que cuenta con apoyo de 'hermanos del
exilio'. 'No tenemos ningún complejo de recibir ayuda de nadie siempre
que sea desinteresada y no se cuestionen nuestros principios', añadió.

También fue electo como directivo Jorge Luis Pérez (Antúnez), recién
excarcelado tras cumplir sus 17 años de condena. 'El presidio político
en Cuba está atravesando por una situación muy crítica', aseguró el
opositor, quien dijo que continuará la 'lucha no violenta a favor de los
derechos humanos y de la libertad'.

http://www.bitacoracubana.com/desdecuba/portada2.php?id=4758

Vandalismo

Vandalismo

Shelyn Rojas

14 de mayo de 2007

La Habana – bitacoracubana - El pasado mes de abril, en el periódico
dominical Tribuna, salió publicada una crónica que narra el asalto de la
ruta 9, en la madrugada del 9, por un grupo de siete adolescentes.

Según la historia narrada en la gaceta, al grito de "yo soy el raspao",
los jóvenes asaltaron el vehiculo. Rompieron los cristales, asientos,
accesorios de la guagua y amenazaron al conductor a pico de botella.
Cuenta que los pasajeros trataron de escapar.

Por la "rápida" labor de agentes de la Policía Nacional Revolucionaria
(PNR), los malhechores fueron capturados y llevados a juicio. Seis
fueron condenados a dos años de privación de libertad y el raspao, por
ser el jefe de la banda, a tres años.

No se mencionó los daños personales que esta violencia causó a los
pasajeros. En el tribunal, la condena fue por daños a propiedad estatal.
No se supo si hubo heridos. Los golpes de las ventanillas de cristales,
algunos heridos, al menos leves, deben haber ocasionado. No importa. La
propiedad estatal es lo primero.

El mensaje es que sólo nos queda acostumbrarnos a que estos hechos se
sigan produciendo. Triunfó la marginalidad. A la policía le toca
reprimir. A nosotros, aguantar y aplaudir.

La delincuencia y el vandalismo en la ciudad son cada vez más. Los
asaltos en los parques y robos de vivienda son constantes. La PNR en
estos casos pocas veces aparece con rapidez y en los robos casi nunca
capturan al ladrón.

Mientras en las cárceles cubanas cumplen condenas injustas que se
acercan a los 30 años, hombres que sólo tratan de defender la libertad
de expresión y que lo único que hacían era escribir y opinar, estos
jóvenes vándalos son condenados a sólo dos o tres años de prisión. No
serán encerrados en celdas tapiadas ni conocerán el rigor del presidio
político.

De todos modos, condenas mayores no resolverían nada. Ellos no son los
principales culpables. Son sólo un producto de su medio. La revolución y
su soñado hombre nuevo, no son ajenos a las causas de sus actos.

http://www.bitacoracubana.com/desdecuba/portada2.php?id=4755

Las Damas de Blanco se acercan al Premio Nóbel de la Paz

Las Damas de Blanco se acercan al Premio Nóbel de la Paz

Por C. Muñoz / ABC

15 de mayo de 2007

España - bitacoracubana - El tesón de las mujeres familiares de
prisioneros de conciencia cubanos, que cada semana y cada mes se reúnen
en La Habana para reclamar de forma pacífica la liberación de los suyos
al régimen de Fidel Castro, puede de nuevo verse internacionalmente
reconocido si el próximo 10 de diciembre, día de los derechos humanos,
son galardonadas en Oslo con el Premio Nobel de la Paz.

Los primeros pasos en esa dirección ya se han dado, al aceptar el
Instituto Nobel la propuesta de candidatura alentada por las comunidades
cubanas de EE.UU. y varios países europeos, entre ellos España.

Así se lo comunicó esta semana el embajador de Noruega en Madrid, Per
Ludvig Magnus, a una de las fundadoras del movimiento, Blanca Reyes,
esposa del escritor Raúl Rivero, y a la presidenta de la Unión del
Pueblo Cubano (UPC), Elena Larrinaga, según anunció a este periódico la
última exiliada. La UPC -una organización civil, independiente, inscrita
en Madrid el pasado diciembre, que persigue la democracia para Cuba a
través de la conciliación- se ha encargado de divulgar la propuesta en
España, para lo que ha recogido un millar de firmas.

La iniciativa partió de la Asociación Cultural de la Comunidad Cubana en
Suiza, inscrita en Ginebra, que en noviembre de 2006 presentó la
documentación en la Embajada de Noruega en Berna. Larrinaga explicó que
una vez que el Instituto Nobel de la Paz acepta una propuesta, «ésta ya
es oficial, se dedica a investigar, en septiembre hace una criba y
anuncia a los candidatos».

Las Damas de Blanco han recibido ya el Premio Sajarov 2005 del
Parlamento Europeo y el de Human Rights First 2006. En ambos casos las
autoridades no les permitieron salir de la isla para recoger los galardones.

«Gran honor y compromiso»

La primera reacción desde La Habana de otra de las fundadoras, Miriam
Leiva, fue que «es un honor muy grande que nos hayan presentado y a la
vez un gran compromiso, no hemos hecho ni hacemos nada por un
reconocimiento sino que la vida tan dura en Cuba nos ha llevado a tener
que unirnos y crear un movimiento». Leiva es periodista independiente y
esposa del economista Oscar Espinosa Chepe, excarcelado bajo licencia
extra-penal por razones de salud el 29 de noviembre de 2004, pero
amenazado con volver a la cárcel en cualquier momento.

Elizardo Sánchez, presidente de la Comisión Cubana de Derechos Humanos y
Reconciliación Nacional (Ccdhrn), consideró por su lado «una buena idea»
la postulación por «la tragedia humana que representan y la necesidad de
apoyo moral que tienen debido a las condiciones infrahumanas,
degradantes y crueles que soportan sus esposos, hijos y hermanos en las
cárceles».

El movimiento surgió de forma espontánea durante la llamada «primavera
negra» de 2003, cuando 75 periodistas independientes y opositores fueron
detenidos y acusados de delitos como «socavar los principios de la
revolución», «atentar contra la seguridad del Estado» o simplemente «ser
mercenarios a sueldo de Estados Unidos». Pero estas mujeres de toda la
isla -sin aspiraciones políticas, muchas de ellas amas de casa, otras
profesionales- afirman que sus esposos, hijos, hermanos o sobrinos están
entre rejas por «defender la libertad de expresión y de pensamiento, los
derechos humanos y la democracia, y por promover una petición ciudadana
que pide todos estos derechos y libertades (Proyecto Varela)».

En Santa Rita

Las Damas de Blanco empezaron a enviar cartas a las autoridades para
reclamar «su liberación porque son inocentes y un trato adecuado»,
relató Miriam Leiva a ABC. Desde el 30 de marzo de 2003 se reúnen todos
los domingos en la iglesia de Santa Rita, en el barrio habanero de
Miramar. Después de misa caminan por la quinta avenida vestidas de
blanco, como símbolo de paz, con un gladiolo en la mano. Algunas llevan
impresa en la camiseta la foto de su familiar y los años de condena, que
pueden acercarse a la treintena. Si se presentan partidarias del régimen
para un «acto de repudio», ellas siguen impasibles su caminata. Como
ante las amenazas de la Seguridad del Estado.

Y el 18 de cada mes -el día de marzo de 2003 en que comenzó la oleada
represiva- celebran un «té literario» en la casa de Laura Pollán, esposa
del prisionero Héctor Maseda. Esa reunión consiste en un ayuno de doce
horas en el que leen las cartas o poemas que les envían desde prisiones
que están en la mayoría de los casos a cientos de kilómetros de sus
casas, según el testimonio de Alejandrina García de la Riva, esposa de
Diosdado González Marrero, condenado a veinte años de prisión. El largo
viaje para visitarlos es su cuota de castigo.

http://www.bitacoracubana.com/desdecuba/portada2.php?id=4757

"TENEMOS QUE HACER DE ESA LLAMA, UNA HOGUERA DE ESPERANZA"... ENTREVISTA A LUIS ALBERTO LACALLE

"TENEMOS QUE HACER DE ESA LLAMA, UNA HOGUERA DE ESPERANZA"... ENTREVISTA
A LUIS ALBERTO LACALLE
2007-05-14.

Entrevista al Sr. Luis Alberto Lacalle, ex Presidente de Uruguay,
durante la Conferencia del Comité Internacional Para la Democracia en
Cuba, En busca de iniciativas comunes (Fundación Konrad Adenauer,
Berlín, 25-26 de abril).

**********

Alejandro Tellería (AT), de Misceláneas de Cuba, reportando desde
Berlín. Aquí tenemos al Sr. Luis Alberto Lacalle (LAL), ex-presidente
del Uruguay, y el tema de la entrevista se basa fundamentalmente en una
propuesta sobre la cual tuvimos noticia por primera vez en el día de
ayer, durante la sesión inaugural de este evento. Sr. Lacalle, muchas
gracias de parte del colectivo de Misceláneas de Cuba y de muchísimos
cubanos, por concedernos parte de su tiempo para la realización de esta
entrevista. La primera pregunta ¿en qué consiste brevemente el
denominado Plan Martí?

LAL: Es un intento de concentrar lo que son iniciativas, a veces muy
dispersas, en una propuesta concreta, para un aporte de lo que va a ser
la Cuba después del régimen dictatorial. Se trata de pensar, esa nación,
luego de 50 años de tiranía, de dictadura, de destrucción de la
sociedad, de la parte económica, la parte política, que encuentre una
hoja de ruta, un mapa, con el cual trabajar

Por tanto, hemos concentrado ideas bajo el título de Plan Martí, en algo
que podía compararse en lo económico al Plan Marshall, que tanto hizo
por Europa después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial; y en lo que tiene que
ver con la asistencia de personas incorporando sus conocimientos, los
propios hijos y nietos de cubanos que están deseosos de contribuir el
día de mañana para la reconstrucción de la patria de sus mayores.

Es algo parecido a ese Cuerpo de Paz que los Estados Unidos ha hecho.
Así que esa es la base, no es ninguna cosa demasiado original; yo creo
que concentrarse en el plan concreto ahora ¡ya¡, antes de que se
produzca el fin de la dictadura, da la sensación que hay un día después,
que hay una esperanza, y no un salto en el vacío después de tantos años.
Luis Alberto Lacalle, ex presidente de Uruguay, y Alejandro Telleria
Díaz, Corresponsal de Misceláneas de Cuba. Foto: Cortesía del
entrevistador.

AT: En la propuesta que tuve oportunidad de leer, usted se refería a que
no sólo se trataba de una ayuda en términos de capital económico, sino
también humano...

LAL: ¡Efectivamente¡

AT: ...ya usted ha tocado parcialmente el tema. Eso incluiría el aporte
tanto de cubanos del exilio, que con su experiencia, y la básica
intención... de mostrar "caminos" y tender puentes...

LAL: Comento como nació la idea, que fue muy lindo. Yo estuve hace 2
años en la Universidad de Georgetown con 120 universitarios "cubanos",
todos ellos nacidos fuera de Cuba, pero con un patriotismo, con un amor
por su tierra, y estos formaron parte del grupo Raíces -una palabra muy
linda-, indicando el sentido de estar, de pertenecer a esa patria lejana.

Y los vi tan entusiasmados, que entonces en las conversaciones con
ellos, yo les preguntaba, bueno, pero si mañana se produce toda esta
apertura y el cambio, ¿tú te irías a vivir a Cuba?... Y ahí se les
planteaba un dilema... Claro, ellos son redientes de los Estados Unidos,
han hecho sus estudios, han trabajado..., tienen su vida profesional
iniciada. Y me decían no...., yo les veía dudando..., pero ¿irías o no
por un tiempo a ayudar con tus conocimientos: el que es ingeniero como
ingeniero, el que es economista como economista, el que es profesor como
profesor; a dar un empujón, a dar un inicio? Y decían Sí, por su puesto.

Entonces ahí yo comentando todas estas cosas que había oído, le puse un
nombre. En Miami el año pasado, anuncié la idea, y ahora la he
recomendado, y creo que es una idea que puede servir.

AT: También pude oír ayer, y leer nuevamente hoy, que este sería un plan
con una fecha o un tiempo de duración -digamos- limitado.

LAL: Sí, yo le tengo un poco de miedo a esas oficinas, agencias, e
instituciones, que se crean para un fin, y que después permanecen para
siempre y generan su burocracia, y generan una estructura; hay
demasiadas instituciones internacionales.

Esta sería una fuerza de trabajo muy concreta y acortada en el tiempo,
el día que esto se iniciara, si es que se inicia. No voy a ser yo el que
lo continúe, serán gente más empapada en estas cosas, y dijéramos, lo
empiezas en este año, y dentro de 5 años termina. Cumple su función y
desaparece.

Me parece que eso también va a concentrar la actividad, porque sabiendo
que es a término, se trabaja mucho más. Esa es mi experiencia como
presidente. Cuando a usted le dicen, usted es el presidente por 5 años,
sabe que tiene 60 meses para trabajar. Después, se acabó. Yo creo que es
muy bueno para concentrar las mentes y los esfuerzos.

A.T : Usted también decía ayer algo que era muy importante, y era el
hecho de que esto, va a ser un impulso, pero también hay que crear
conciencia en ese pueblo de Cuba, de que la solución de sus problemas
está en sus manos...

LAL: ¡Efectivamente!...

AT: ... O sea, ellos tienen que desarrollar...

LAL: Eso va a ser bastante difícil, pues como decíamos fuera de cámara
hace unos instantes, se trata de un país que por (casi) 50 años ha
tenido un modelo en el cual el esfuerzo individual no cuenta, porque no
es premiado; donde la iniciativa privada, que es el motor de la
sociedad, ha sido aplastada, ha sido puesta fuera de la ley. Y
transformar la manera de pensar es muy difícil, pero como es inevitable
que así sea, es mucho más importante que sea un cubano, el que venga a
decir, mira esto no se hace así, esto tiene estas ventajas, a que venga
gente extranjera. Y esa es otra virtud, que es fomentar que los cubanos
de la patria peregrina del exilio, ayuden y luego dejen que las cosas
continúen, así que creo que por ese lado también tiene sus virtudes.

AT : ¿Provendrían los fondos de una institución única, o sería la
combinación de diversa organizaciones o grupos?

LAL: Mire, con este motivo me he puesto a informarme, y me decían que
es tanta la cantidad de instituciones en el mundo, que se dedican a
esto, -no sólo las grandes- BIR, Banco Mundial, las que conocemos... Se
que hay oficinas que se especializan en suministrarle a usted el listado
de todas esas instituciones, así que vamos a necesitar gente que sepan
¿dónde?, ...Pero creo que podemos suponer que el gobierno de los Estados
Unidos, la Unión Europea y de Japón, es decir, las 3 grandes potencias
económicas del mundo, harán un aporte sustancial. Así que creo va a
haber suficiente cantidad de candidatos a poner los recursos.

AT : ¿Tiene un mensaje para ese pueblo de Cuba, que hoy está -digamos-
atemorizado, que ha vivido bajo el influjo de una dictadura por casi 50
años, y que tiene una sensación de incertidumbre ante el futuro?

LAL: Sí, quiero decir que he tenido el honor ayer de hablar con Antúnez.
Antúnez me llamó por teléfono desde Cuba. Yo no lo conozco, le tengo una
enorme simpatía, tengo su retrato en mi despacho, porque me he enterado
que ese es un valiente y un hombre mucho mejor que todos nosotros. Y
creo que esa es la gente que ha mantenido viva la llama, la llama de la
esperanza. Ahora tenemos que hacer de esa llama una hoguera de
esperanza, teniendo en cuenta, repito, se le dice, mira que esto se
termina, y después no hay la nada, no hay una interrogante; hay algunos
caminos que permiten planificar para después.

AT : Básicamente el mensaje para los cubanos es que no le tengan miedo
al cambio.

LAL: A lo nuevo, a lo que va a venir ineludiblemente, y que todos vamos
a estar ayudando para que ellos lo hagan, pero que lo hagan en las
mejores condiciones.

AT: ¡Muchas Gracias!

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=10127

Más de 40 Damas de Blanco marcharon por La Habana para pedir la libertad

Más de 40 Damas de Blanco marcharon por La Habana para pedir la libertad
de los presos políticos

En Madrid, se presentó una obra de teatro en homenaje a los disidentes
encarcelados y a sus familiares.

Redacción EER

lunes 14 de mayo de 2007 12:58:00

Más de cuarenta integrantes de las Damas de Blanco, pidieron este
domingo la liberación de los presos políticos, en un acto convocado en
el Día de las Madres, informó EFE.

Tras asistir a misa en la iglesia habanera de Santa Rita, las mujeres,
vestidas de blanco, hicieron su recorrido habitual de cada domingo,
marchando por el paseo central de la Quinta Avenida, en Miramar.

"La mayor demanda en estos momentos es la libertad incondicional de
todos los presos políticos y de conciencia. Mientras llega esa ansiada
libertad, pedimos que los pongan (en prisiones) en sus provincias",
declaró a la prensa Laura Pollán, esposa de Héctor Maseda, condenado a
20 años de cárcel.

Pollán dijo que las Damas de Blanco también piden que a sus familiares
presos "les sean respetados sus derechos y que no haya tantas torturas
ni síquicas ni físicas. Es el momento de actuar con humanidad con los
presos políticos porque ellos también son seres humanos", recalcó.

Al regreso de su marcha y ante la iglesia, las mujeres rezaron,
entonaron la canción Virgen Mambisa, dedicada a la Virgen de la Caridad
del Cobre, Patrona de Cuba, y gritaron varias veces "libertad para los
presos políticos", "libertad para nuestros familiares presos".

"Reciban nuestra felicitación hermanas en la fe, en la causa que con
tanto amor defendemos, caminemos siempre firmes y decididas porque como
todo buen cristiano estamos siempre de la mano del Señor", dijeron en un
mensaje leído por Elvira Marrero, prima del disidente Diosdado González
Marrero, también condenado a 20 años de prisión.

El sábado, unas 35 Damas de Blanco regalaron gladiolos a mujeres con las
que se cruzaron en una marcha de alrededor de 7km por el barrio de
Centro Habana, hasta llegar a la Fuente de la India, en el céntrico
Paseo del Prado, donde reclamaron, a viva voz, la libertad de todos los
presos políticos.

"¿Quienes somos? Familiares de los presos políticos y qué reclamamos:
libertad, libertad, libertad", gritaron durante el recorrido, ante el
asombro de caminantes y vecinos de la zona.

La marcha "es una forma de pedir al gobierno de Cuba que acabe de
liberar a esos hombres que son inocentes" y "de que el pueblo de Cuba
conozca nuestra lucha", declaró a la AFP Miriam Leiva, activista del grupo.

"Queremos que el pueblo sepa que luchamos pacíficamente por la
liberación de los 75 y de todos los presos políticos cubanos", apuntó
Leiva, esposa del economista Oscar Espinosa Chepe, quien fue condenado a
20 años de prisión en 2003 y excarcelado en 2004 por razones de salud.

Las Damas de Blanco son un grupo de mujeres familiares de presos
políticos cubanos que surgió en 2003, después de que el gobierno cubano
enviara a prisión a 75 opositores con penas de hasta 28 años de cárcel.

De esos disidentes, 16 han sido excarcelados por problemas de salud. Uno
de ellos murió.

Decenas de mujeres integradas en este movimiento, algunas procedentes de
las provincias de Matanzas, Pinar del Río, Villa Clara, Santiago de Cuba
y Las Tunas, se reunieron para los actos realizados en La Habana,
indicaron miembros del colectivo, según EFE.

Coincidiendo con la marcha en la Isla, este sábado se presentó en Madrid
la obra Las Damas de Blanco, en homenaje a los presos de conciencia
cubanos y sus familiares, informó en un comunicado la organización
Solidaridad Española con Cuba.

La representación, a cargo del grupo de teatro Caribú, recreó lo
ocurrido en marzo de 2003, cuando fueron arrestados los 75 disidentes.
Las escenas recordaron las detenciones y condenas de Ricardo González,
Luis Enrique Ferrer, y Oscar Elías Biscet, así como el nacimiento de las
Damas de Blanco.

Blanca Reyes, representante en Europa de las Damas de Blanco, leyó en el
acto una carta del grupo, enviada desde La Habana.

Además, durante el acto se leyeron poemas de los disidentes presos Regis
Iglesias y Ricardo González, miembros del grupo de los 75.

Para finalizar, Ricardo Carreras Lario, de Solidaridad Española con
Cuba, pidió "una vez más, al gobierno cubano, la liberación
incondicional de todos los presos de conciencia" y a "los españoles que
se solidaricen con ellos y con sus familiares, con los activistas de
derechos humanos y con la sociedad civil independiente; que se
solidaricen con las Damas de Blanco, ejemplo de coraje y nobleza para el
mundo".

"A los que viajen que las apoyen. A los demás, que desde aquí las
respalden, porque las Damas de Blanco encarnan hoy la dignidad humana",
dijo.

http://www.cubaencuentro.com/es/encuentro-en-la-red/cuba/noticias/mas-de-40-damas-de-blanco-marcharon-por-la-habana-para-pedir-la-libertad-de-los-presos-politicos/(gnews)/1179140280

Monday, May 14, 2007

Colegio francés de abogados premia al disidente René Gómez Manzano

Colegio francés de abogados premia al disidente René Gómez Manzano

'El premio es un reconocimiento a todo el trabajo que hacen los abogados
independientes en Cuba', dijo el opositor.

Agencias

lunes 14 de mayo de 2007 12:55:00

El abogado disidente cubano René Gómez Manzano fue galardonado con el
premio francés Ludovic-Trarieux 2007, por su compromiso en favor del
Estado de derecho en la Isla, anunció el sábado el Instituto de Derechos
Humanos del Colegio de Abogados de Burdeos (IDHBB), que otorga la
distinción, informó la AFP.

Gómez Manzano, dirigente de la opositora Asamblea para Promover la
Sociedad Civil (APSC), agradeció el domingo el premio y dijo que era "un
estímulo, un reconocimiento y al mismo tiempo un acicate para continuar
en la lucha en pro del establecimiento del Estado de derecho en Cuba".

"El premio es un reconocimiento a todo el trabajo que hacen los abogados
independientes en Cuba, incluida la Corriente Agramontista, que me honro
en presidir", añadió.

El abogado de 63 años, uno de los más reconocidos líderes disidente
cubanos, recibió 1997 el galardón de derechos humanos de la American Bar
Association, una entidad que agrupa a los abogados de Estados Unidos, y
en 2000 la Sociedad Cubano-Española de Derecho le otorgó el premio Félix
Varela.

El IDHBB resaltó que Gómez Manzano apoya la independencia de los
abogados, en la Isla, donde los letrados deben obligatoriamente
vincularse a las "oficinas colectivas" controladas por el Ministerio de
Justicia.

Varias veces encarcelado por sus actividades disidentes, Gómez Manzano
fue liberado a comienzos de febrero después de haber estado en prisión
durante 18 meses.

Había sido detenido el 22 de julio de 2005, cuando la APSC organizó una
manifestación ante la embajada de Francia en La Habana para reclamar la
liberación de los presos políticos.

La primera edición de los Ludovic-Trarieux fue celebrada en 1985. Ese
año el premio fue entregado al líder sudafricano Nelson Mandela, quien
todavía se encontraba en prisión.

http://www.cubaencuentro.com/es/encuentro-en-la-red/cuba/noticias/colegio-frances-de-abogados-premia-al-disidente-rene-gomez-manzano/(gnews)/1179140100

Change will come when the man dies

'Change will come when the man dies'

* audio Audio | Gorki Aguila's 'Parodia del Ismaelillo'
http://www.miamiherald.com/548/story/105999-a106195-t4.html
* audio Audio | Gorki Aguila's 'El Comandante' (Warning: Contains
explicit language)
http://www.miamiherald.com/548/story/105999-a106193-t4.html

For punk rocker Gorki Aguila, nothing has changed in Cuba since Fidel
Castro ceded power to his brother nine months ago.

''Tyranny is present . . . even if he doesn't make a public
appearance,'' said the 38-year-old.

His band, Porno For Ricardo, is the leading exponent of underground
music, a flourishing movement today in a country where 1.5 million
people are too young to remember the better times before the economy
imploded with the end of Soviet subsidies in 1991.

The band's latest CD, whose title roughly translates as ''I don't like
politics, but she likes me, comrade,'' contains several profanity-laced
critical songs, including one titled El Comandante.

The band has been blackballed by the government, and Aguila has received
several police summonses for ''interviews.'' In 2003, he was arrested on
drug charges -- entrapment, he says -- and served two years in prison.
Just last week, authorities forbade his band to practice at his apartment.

But he says he will not leave Cuba, and hopes for a peaceful transition
to democracy.

''Change will come when the man dies and Number Two [Raúl] retires
gradually, to allow the installation of state capitalism,'' he said.

WILFREDO CANCIO ISLA

-- EL NUEVO HERALD

http://www.miamiherald.com/548/story/105999.html

Two Homelands. Cuba and the Night

Turin
Two Homelands. Cuba and the Night
Dos Patrias. Cuba y la Noche (Documentary -- Germany)
By JAY WEISSBERG
A Christian Liffers production. Produced, directed, written by Liffers.

Life for gay men in Cuba is explored via six protags in novice helmer
Christian Liffers' handsome "Two Homelands. Cuba and the Night." Nicely
structured without being rigidly tied down, docu steers clear of
colonialist patronizing or prurient exploitation, aiming instead for a
more nuanced view of the Cuban character and gay life under Castro's
homophobic rule. Respectful p.o.v. may leave those with pre-set notions
wanting more, but Liffers doesn't go for polemics. A busy fest schedule
could lead to arthouse play targeting the pink dollar.

Each of the six men profiled is introduced reading passages from
Reinaldo Arenas, who acts as an invisible guide to the Cuban mentality
and a tragic godfather of gay sensibilities. Liffers chooses his protags
carefully, each representing a different social class or aspect of the
scene -- intellectual, drag queen, artist, transsexual. Only one, Tomas,
knew Arenas personally, but all are presented as heirs to the poet's
yearnings for a specifically Cuban openness and sense of personal freedom.

Filming was done below official radar, at homes, illegal gay parties
and, of course, the Malecon, Havana's main outdoor salon comprising both
a rendezvous point and street theater. All the men speak of the
frustration of not having official venues to meet others, yet only the
flamboyant Alexey wants to leave the country.

Everyone steers clear of the often abusive police, though Tomas offers a
hesitant note of optimism when he talks of small improvements.

"For us gays in the tropics, loneliness is something horrible," comments
Tomas, though it's not clear why equatorial geography makes loneliness
more difficult. The most marginalized figure, gorgeous black transsexual
Isabel, is also the most affecting, her palpable sense of difference
escaping through the swaggering, flirtatious stance she maintains on the
Malecon.

Docu's one major oversight is the absence of any real discussion of
prostitution and sex tourism in particular. However, Liffers is guided
into some of the mysteries of Santeria by devotee Tomas, who explains
the accepted, and respected, role gay men play in the religion's
pantheon of deities.

Music's all-important place in Cuban life is celebrated through the
pic's structure, each protag bookmarked by street musician Michael
Espinosa Rodriguez's songs on acoustic guitar, the lyrics beautifully
tied in with the different characters.

Digital quality is flawless, and visuals are first rate considering the
minuscule budget and the difficulties of an unauthorized shoot.

Camera (color, DigiBeta), Mirko Schernickau; editor, Todd P. Mercuri;
music, Michael Espinosa Rodriguez, Los Transes; music supervisor, Marco
Flick; sound, Marcus Pfeiffer; sound designer, Holger Jung. Reviewed at
Turin Gay & Lesbian Film Festival (competing), April 24, 2007. (Also in
Miami Film Festival.) Running time: 82 MIN.
(Spanish dialogue)

http://www.variety.com/review/VE1117933627.html?categoryid=31&cs=1

Sunday, May 13, 2007

Cuba, desconfianza y mentira

Cuba, desconfianza y mentira
Héctor Ramón Foret Sánchez
13 de mayo de 2007

Holguín, Cuba – bitacoracubana - El cubano promedio vive en un mar de
desconfianza. El régimen, a través de mecanismos sutiles y represivos le
ha creado una mentalidad de desconfianza, que hoy constituye un rasgo
distintivo de su psicología.

Y, ¿por qué este estado de desconfianza? ¿De qué se desconfía?

Se desconfía de todo. Es la consecuencia de un sistema que sólo sabe
controlar al individuo, inyectándole miedo. Esto no debe asombrar, en
todos los procesos totalitarios comunistas ha sido similar. En China,
Vietnam, Corea del Norte, etc…

En Cuba, ¿de qué se desconfía?

El Estado lo persigue todo, por lo que el cubano debe meditar hasta
sobre que alimento adquiere, y como, con su poco dinero disponible.

El cubano sabe que no puede comentar nada, que ha de actuar con sigilo
si se comió un pescado de cierta calidad, un pedazo de langosta o unos
camarones, y para qué mencionar un diminuto bistec de res.

Cualquier indiscreción que cometa, sea a un amigo, vecino, o incluso a
un familiar, puede llegar a los agentes represivos, quienes sin mucho
ceremonial le impondrán una elevada multa o le abrirán un proceso por
"Receptación", alegando la "dudosa procedencia del producto", o esa
aberración jurídica que llaman "delito de peligrosidad social", o
cualquier otra definición en el amplio vocabulario de la fraseología
represiva.

Es asfixiante vivir en una sociedad en la que de todo, y de todos, se
tiene que desconfiar.

La desconfianza genera como secuela la mentira y con ello se inicia la
destrucción del ciudadano.

La simulación, como subproducto de la mentira, llega en diferentes
formas: funcionarios que para mantener sus puestos informan de logros
inexistentes; órganos del gobierno que hablan de planes, metas y cifras
inalcanzables y falsas; medios de comunicación oficialistas
distorsionando hechos y resultados, todo con conocimiento de causa; y
funcionarios indiferentes que aplastados por el miedo opinan sobre
supuestas victorias y logros alcanzados.

Pero lo peor, algunos enseñan a sus hijos a mentir, porque nuestro país
es inversamente proporcional a lo que dice la Biblia, "La verdad no nos
hace libres", sino que nos encarcela y nos lleva a la exclusión social.

"El estado hace como que nos paga y nosotros hacemos como que
trabajamos", reza una frase muy en boga hoy en Cuba, que sintetiza todo
este negativo estado moral, y que resume la fractura cívica de nuestra
sociedad.

Es el miedo lo que origina todo este estado de cosas, porque en nuestro
país para las autoridades no es necesario probar el delito, es
suficiente con que el sufrido cubano no pueda demostrar su inocencia.

A pesar de todo, el cubano se recupera de este trauma. Ya se ve una
sociedad civil formada por mujeres y hombres que se despojan de la
mentira y proclaman la verdad, y las iglesias que están jugando un papel
vital en la educación moral y cívica del pueblo.

El cubano saldrá adelante y será realidad entonces aquel deseo de
nuestro Apóstol José Martí: "Yo quiero que la ley primera de nuestra
República sea el culto de los cubanos a la dignidad plena del hombre".

http://www.bitacoracubana.com/desdecuba/portada2.php?id=4744

PLAN MARTÍ PARA LA RECONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA REPÚBLICA DE CUBA

PLAN MARTÍ PARA LA RECONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA REPÚBLICA DE CUBA*
2007-05-13.
Luis Alberto Lacalle
I) INTRODUCCIÓN

Caída la dictadura y reiniciado el camino democrático, será necesario un
gran esfuerzo para que Cuba sea reconstruida como nación libre y próspera.

El "Plan Martí" se propone contribuir con recursos económicos y humanos
a dicha tarea, coordinando los esfuerzos internacionales y los de los
propios cubanos, tanto los de "la Patria peregrina" como los de los que
en ella permanecieron.

Será necesario un aporte económico, pero también una ayuda de carácter
técnico, de conocimientos y experiencias empresarial y sindical que
logre encauzar la vida cotidiana de una nación que durante 50 años no
conoció la libertad ni el derecho.

Resulta indispensable recordar y aclarar que la tarea a emprender es de
los cubanos exclusivamente. Que serán ellos y su gobierno democrático el
que protagonice el cambio y que quienes colaboren -Sean naciones,
instituciones o individuos- sólo lo harán a pedido de los legítimos
representantes del pueblo cubano.

Una mención especial, en esta introducción, merece el fenómeno del
exilio. Durante medio siglo, hecho sin precedentes, miles de
compatriotas estuvieron separados, nuevas generaciones nacieron y
crecieron amando y añorando una patria que no conocen. Otros
permanecieron en el suelo nativo, sufriendo la tiranía. Todos son
cubanos y todos pueden y deben aportar a la causa de la reconstrucción.
También en ese sentido este Plan Martí pretende cumplir una misión, la
de conjugar el aporte de unos y otros, la de enlazar y aproximar a
quienes tanto tiempo estuvieron separados.

II) S ÍNTES IS DEL PLAN

Este plan propone aportes de dos tipos:
a) Económicos, que comprenden tanto recursos monetarios, aportes
tecnológicos, facilidades comerciales.
b) Humanos, que incluyen tanto formación de cuadros dirigenciales como
oportunidades de preparación.

Todo ello según se desarrolla a continuación:

III) APORTES ECONÓMICOS

La destrucción de la base económica de Cuba llevada a cabo por la
tiranía requiere de recursos materiales y de medidas legales, culturales
que instalen una sociedad moderna.

Fondo de Reconstrucción

Se trata de una entidad de derecho publico internacional, de vida
limitada en el tiempo. Que centralice los aportes de distintos orígenes.

Sus ayudas serán siempre a titulo oneroso con la finalidad de generar
una cultura y iniciativa privada con sus derechos y obligaciones. Los
plazos e intereses de los préstamos serán lo más generosos posibles pero
con Cargo de oportuna devolución. Puede disponerse que dichas
devoluciones, una vez ofertadas, sean destinadas a donaciones para el
sistema educativo o de salud.
Parte de los recursos del Fondo serán donados a instituciones de
enseñanza y salud, contra obras y planes concretos.

El Fondo será dirigido por un directorio de personalidades
internacionales y gerenciado por un ejecutivo de experiencia en
materia financiera.

Los aportes serán tanto gratuitos como onerosos y provendrán de
gobiernos, entidades públicas o privadas, o personas.

El destino de la ayuda será el que determine el gobierno democrático de
Cuba. El mismo se dividirá en aportes a entidades públicas (gobierno
central, municipal o personas públicas estatales) o a corporaciones
privadas.

IV) APORTES HUMANOS

Fondo de Asistencia Técnica

El aporte de conocimientos y experiencia en la vida pública como en la
privada constituye un aspecto central de la tarea que nos espera.
En el aspecto público, se ofrecerán aportes técnicos en materia
constitucional administrativa, de organización de partidos políticos y
sindicatos. Siempre a solicitud del gobierno cubano.

En el aspecto privado, se ofrecerá una lista de personas con experiencia
empresarial que figurarán en una lista para que las empresas u
organizaciones empresariales las soliciten. Toda tarea en este aspecto
será gratuita en lo que tiene que ver con retribuciones personales.

El tiempo de asistencia será, como máximo, el de la vigencia del Plan Martí.

V) PLAZO

El Plan Martí tendrá una duración limitada en el tiempo, preanunciada e
impostergable. Pretende ser una ayuda, un impulso pero no puede ser
sustitutivo de la acción pública o privada auténticas.

Cumplida su función se extinguirá, Si su aporte contribuye a una Cuba
más libre, próspera y justa, se habrá cumplido cabalmente su objetivo.

Berlín, abril 2007.

************

*Nota de Misceláneas de Cuba: El documento anterior fue presentado y
distribuido por su autor, el ex presidente de Uruguay, Luis Alberto
Lacalle, en la Conferencia Internacional "Democracia en Cuba: en busca
de iniciativas comunes", 25-26 de abril, Berlín, organizada por el
Comité Internacional para la Democracia en Cuba. Por la trascripción del
documento respondió Alejandro Tellería, Corresponsal de este medio
informativo en Alemania.

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=10126

LAS BALSAS Y EL CAMBIO GEOGRÁFICO

LAS BALSAS Y EL CAMBIO GEOGRÁFICO
2007-05-13.
Asdrúbal Caner Camejo

Supongamos que los continentes se acercan y que Canadá, España, Francia
e Inglaterra se ponen a 90 millas de la Isla de Cuba. Ninguno de esos
países tienen Ley de Ajuste Cubano. Supongamos también, que los Estados
Unidos –con su Ley de Ajuste Cubano- se desplazan y se ponen entre
Siberia y Alaska.

¿Pararía ese cambio geográfico el éxodo de balseros? ¿Irían los miles de
jóvenes cubanos para Siberia o llenarían los Departamentos de
Inmigración de Canadá, España, Francia e Inglaterra?

La importancia estratégica de crear "El Enemigo" es que, a él se le
echan las culpas de todos los fracasos de los comunistas.
¡Ah.. no hay comida?! ¡El criminal bloqueo americano! ¡Ah… que apareció
una infección viral entre los puercos?! ¡Guerra bacteriológica del
imperialismo! ¡Ah…No hay medicinas, papel sanitario, papas lechuga,
maíz, cebollas, leche, azúcar, carne, pollos, etc, etc, etc?! ¡El brutal
imperialismo Yankee!

¡Ah… comienzan a protestar las personas, jóvenes y viejos, mujeres y
periodistas, médicos e ingenieros, escritores y artistas y todo el
espectro de la sociedad cubana?! ¡!Son mercenarios al servicio del
Imperialismo!

Es el principal comodín del juego de poker de Fidel Castro y sus
seguidores, no sólo en Cuba, sino en todo el mundo. La izquierda
siniestra, esas damiselas zandungueras, repiten el mismo discurso y
tienen el mismo "Enemigo" que Castro, Chavez, Evo o los que vengan.

Acusar a los reclutas del ejercito, que levantaron sus fusiles contra el
tirano, para huir del "paraíso" comunista, y echarle la culpa a los
EE.UU. y la Ley de Ajuste Cubano, es el colmo del cinismo y la desverguenza.

Decenas, miles, decenas de miles, cientos de miles de cubanos se han
lanzado al mar, porque los han llevado más allá de todos los límites de
la miseria, la desesperación y la desesperanza.
Yo fui uno de ellos. En la Base Naval de Guantánamo, vi padres con bebes
de meses, hijos e hijas con sus ancianos padres y abuelos, niños y
niñas, blancos, chinos, negros, mulatos y todo el ajiaco cubano, huyendo
del hambre, la represión y el terror de la dictadura comunista. Uno de
ellos, al llegar a los Estados Unidos, resumió el pensamiento de todos:
"Prefiero que me coman los tiburones, a seguir viviendo en Cuba."

El hambre, la miseria, la prostitución, el robo, la corrupción
generalizada, la oposición y la disidencia y la inmoralidad de la
sociedad cubana, tienen sus bases en un sistema que no funciona
económicamente. Que se sustenta y fundamenta institucionalmente, en una
"Constitución" violatoria de todas las libertades y derechos de los
cubanos y es la base de una represión y terror de carácter fascista.

La superestructura política que se creó "constitucionalmente" y que se
llama "Poder Popular", no tiene absolutamente nada que ver con el
pueblo. Al contrario, se ha marginado al pueblo y esa parodia "popular"
responde al Partido Comunista y a Fidel Castro. El "Parlamento" son los
militantes de ese Partido. Son los Generales de las FAR. Son los
Generales del Ministerio del Interios. Son los siervos leales y sumisos,
incapaces de hablar algo contrario a lo que diga ese poder de la
impunidad. Saben que les espera el Paredón de Fusilamiento. Fidel Castro
es el Poder Ejecutivo, Judicial y Legislativo.

Si, en Cuba hay un Bloqueo Total contra el pueblo cubano. Ese Bloqueo se
llama Fidel Castro Ruz. Y ha mantenido ese bloqueo por medio siglo, por
las armas y la violencia indiscriminada contra todo y contra todos.

La única forma democrática de votar que tiene el pueblo cubano, son las
balsas. Esa es su tarjeta de votación más expedita. Y la protesta
pacífica, que crece como la espuma. Los movimientos y Partidos
políticos, incluyendo mi Partido, el Partido Socialdemócrta de Cuba, han
presentado durante los últimos 10 años, proyectos y alternativas
democráticas para las apremiantes reformas económicas y políticas que la
sociedad cubana necesita.

La arrogante y salvaje respuesta de Fidel Castro, fue obligar a ese
pueblo desarmado, a declarar el Socialismo como un hecho irreversible y
permanente. Contra los que se opongan, Fidel Castro utilizará sus tres
medicinas predilectas: el exilio, la cárcel o la muerte. Y le echará la
culpa al "Enemigo", como hizo cuando fusiló, sin juicio, a los tres
jóvenes negros que secuestraron una embarcación, para irse al país más
cercano.

Pero, en estos nueve meses de sucesión, algo profundo ha ocurrido en
Cuba: el pueblo está perdiendo el miedo. Cada día es más abierta la
protesta. La conciencia de que se necesitan cambios radicales –y no
simples "reformas" cosméticas– se está abriendo paso.

El comunismo es una sociedad feudal irreformable. China demuestra que
las reformas conducen al capitalismo. Un comunismo reformado es
impensable. Una sociedad cerrada y aíslada como esa, sustentada en un
poder feudal e impune, no puede mantenerse como un "Comunismo
Reformado", sino como una nueva sociedad con un sistema nuevo. Y eso es
todo lo contrario al comunismo. Tarde o temprano, China dejará de ser lo
que es y se convertirá en una democracia como cualquier otra.

Es por ello que han declarado el Estado de Máxima Alerta de las FAR y el
MININT y, han tenido que mandar a buscar las tropas que estaban en
Venezuela.

Fidel Castro, su hermano y la nomenklatura saben que, el uso de la
fuerza y la violencia contra el pueblo de Cuba, tendrá un impagable
precio. No sé si lo decidirán y no sé si los poderosos ministerios que
he mencionado, estarán dispuesto a desatar ese baño de sangre.

Los hermanos Castro tienen sus planes. Quieren salvar su pellejo y morir
tránquilos en sus camas. Hay otras gentes que tambien tienen otros planes.

Ya son muy pocos los que creén en el cuento del Embargo y el
Imperialismo Yankee. Es medio siglo y el disco se ha rayado.
Si no se toman medidas urgentes y se invita a la disidencia pacífica a
las reformas necesarias, posiblemente ya no serán los reclutas los que
tomen las armas para irse al extranjero, sino otros, para volverlas
contra el desvergonzado poder de la impunidad.

La sociedad cubana quiere cambios ya. Cambios pacíficos. Y en Cuba están
los actores de esos cambios. Conversar, negociar, discutir con la
disidencia, en un ambiente relajado y constructivo. Todo el mundo estará
de acuerdo con eso.

Pero hay que hacerlo ya. Ojalá que no sea necesario ese cambio
geográfico, porque los departamento de Inmigración de Canadá, España,
Francia e Inglaterra, tendrán una tarea imparable.

Asdrúbal Caner Camejo, Representante del PSC en Canadá.

http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=10123

Eat little, live long

Eat little, live long
Sunday, May 13th 2007

It's hard to believe there's a place on the planet without KFC,
McDonalds and junk food. But that's Cuba, a nation of modern-day
Spartans who don't worry about dieting or obesity, writes Nazma Muller,
in the second of a five-part series.

TT$7 = 1 CUC

(Cuban convertible peso)

1 CUC = 24 pesos

(moneda nacional)

In November 2004 the Cuban government outlawed the use of the US dollar
and introduced the CUC as the main currency to be used by foreigners.
Most stores and supermarkets accept only CUC, which cannot be exchanged
outside of the country.

"Tu no quieres la bolsa?" Dalgis asked.

I didn't get the question the first time, so she repeated it. Did I want
the plastic

bag back? I had brought some fish for her in the bag, and she thought
maybe I wanted it back-save myself 50 centavos (TT 15 cents), or use it
to put garbage. Nothing is wasted in Cuba.

The fish itself was like gold. Most is exported, sold to tourists in

hotels or to expatriates. The ordinary Cuban can only get fish that is
going bad. A friend of mine had managed to buy about ten pounds of a
small but fresh variety under the counter, a la izquierda (to the left),
as the Cubans say, without irony.

I told Dalgis she could keep the bag.

"Gracias," she smiled.

Her husband, Esteban, was the neighbourhood zapatero. There was a
fósforero too, who was at a desk in his front yard from early in the
morning, repairing and refilling disposable lighters. The rubber soles
had come off my old sneakers and Esteban had stitched them back so well
(for 30 pesos-TT$9), they will probably last another five years. He and
Dalgis were campesinos, originally from provinces hundreds of miles
away, and they were grateful for their tiny flat in the capital, despite
the water shortages. The water truck had come by just a few days before,
and they had bought a few buckets.

But Dalgis and Esteban were happy in their tiny flat. The kitchen was
five feet square, with just a sink, two shelves, a cupboard and a stove.
The ancient fridge with rust spots was in the living room, along with
the rest of their furniture. There was hardly any space to walk between
the wooden rocking chairs, the glass table and four wrought-iron chairs
against the front wall, and a wooden bench with wicker seats. On a space
saver, a small coloured TV rested on an older black and white set,
covered with a doily during the day.

He came home at 2pm on the dot when he was on the day shift, ringing his
bicycle bell. A few minutes later he would appear on the landing
carrying the bike, which he parked against a wall in the small bedroom.
Then he came into the kitchen and kissed Dalgis.

Esteban worked in a factory that made laboratory equipment. In the
mornings, before sun-up, he would drop Dalgis to work on the back of his
bicycle. He usually ate lunch or dinner at the factory, and had his
other meal at home. Her food was simple but delicious-usually a
combination of yellow or white rice and beans, pork or chicken, boiled
tania, fried plantain, beets, tomato and cucumber salad, or cabbage. "Me
gusta cocinar," she said, and it showed. The day I left Cuba, she
prepared curried chicken with rice and peas, beets and salad, and a flan
so rich I almost cried.

I had come to value things like flan and three-course meals after just a
week of living on my own. (I'd moved, grudgingly, to a legal, much more
expensive casa particular on the orders of the director of the school
where I was studying Spanish.) Just doing the shopping for a week was
exhausting. The shops in Playa, one of the posher neighbourhoods in
Havana, were few and far apart. I walked everywhere since taxis started
their meters at 1 CUC for foreigners.

The closest shop, three blocks away, was small and sold just the bare
essentials. However, it was neatly divided in two-one section for food,
the other for toiletries. There was a counter on either side, with two
sales assistants each, plus a supervisor. They all stopped and looked at
what I was buying. It was clear that I was a rich foreigner to be
casually ordering a tin of tuna, a small bottle of mayonnaise, vinegar,
oil and two small packets of tangerine-flavoured biscuits. I gobbled
down both packs on the way home. My body was apparently craving sucrose
or food colouring number 5. It was bizarre; in Trinidad, with
supermarkets full of chocolates and MSG-loaded snacks, I could go for
weeks without junk food. But in Cuba, where everything was expensive and
scarce, I had a perverse, constant craving for soft drinks and Pringles.

My classmate, the son of an African diplomat, knew all the supermarkets
and stores in Playa. He was only in Cuba a few months, but already he
spoke very good Spanish, albeit with a French accent, the result of
listening for hours to reggaeton and salsa, and watching DVDs subtitled
in Spanish. There was little else to do. He attended class in the
morning then went home to listen to music or watch films. They had
cable, mostly Middle Eastern and African channels, and his father was
always watching Al-Jazeera or the BBC.

One day I was liming at the apartment and was startled to see a feature
on the Beeb about Jamaica and the other venues for the ICC Cricket World
Cup. I had completely forgotten about it. The images of higglers and
hustlers, the bustling crowds and long lines of traffic in Kingston
seemed so far away from the quiet streets outside where no one was ever
in a hurry.

My friend knew where everything was in the small air-conditioned mart
close to diplomatic residences on Calle 42. I bought powder detergent,
two packs of spaghetti, dishwashing liquid, a can of tuna, a can of
seafood, a packet of ketchup and a potato-chip snack. Total: 13 CUC
(TT$90). The snack, made in Malaysia, tasted like stale straw.

How do the Cubans do it? I wondered, as I packed away the meagre
groceries. I had spent five minutes looking at hair products in the
corner shop. In the end I couldn't bring myself to spend 5 CUC (TT$35)
on a gel, when whole families ate for a week on less.

On Sunday, I went on a shopping spree at the street feria with 5 CUC.
Everyone in the area went to the feria, market bags in hand or pulling
trolley bags. The produce there was cheaper than the state-owned market
near my apartment. It was brought in from the provinces in trucks early
in the morning. The whole street was closed off and stalls set up. A
muscular fella in a blue merino and faded garbadine pants ripped the
tops off three pineapples with his bare hands and dropped them gently
into my plastic bag. Then he smiled and winked. Nobody pushed or shoved;
they all waited patiently until their turn came.

A woman walked by with a chicken leg and thigh in her hand. The crowd
around the meat stalls was three deep. Flies buzzed around pigs' heads
on hooks and stacks of slimy chicken parts laid out on the long wooden
table. I decided to buy meat at the big, air-conditioned supermarket on
Calle 70 instead. I bought two lbs of rice for seven pesos, one lb of
red beans (4 pesos), one lb of black beans (4 pesos), 2 lbs of plantain
(5 pesos), a half lb of red peppers (5 pesos), and two pineapples (10
pesos). Total: TT$10.

After school one day, we went to the supermarket on Calle 70, the
equivalent of a mall in Playa. We checked in our bags-only wallets and
purses were allowed. Inside, the small shop selling toiletries was
packed with women. We spent ten minutes looking for bathroom cleaner in
the first two rows of washing-up liquid. Finally, we found a bottle with
a picture of a toilet and bath.

Towards the back was the deli counter. My jaw dropped; after the feria I
didn't think there were things like deli counters in Cuba. (Everyone ate
dry bread, without butter. When I bought my teacher's mother a block of
mantequilla, she exclaimed, "Que rico!" and looked at me teary-eyed.)
But lo and behold there at the deli counter were huge blocks of cheddar
and Dutch edam, even a mouldy Camembert. And the sausages! All types of
salami and chains of salchicha. I finally calmed down enough to buy a
small piece of cheddar for 3 CUC.

It was impossible to prepare a different meal every day on the portable
two-burner gas cooker. For three days I ate boiled spaghetti, mashed

potato and some kind of chicken-flavoured cousin of potted meat which I
had bought at the corner shop, thinking it was salami. I'd put it in the
tray below the freezer and left it. When I took it out, it was frozen
solid (the thermostat on the fridge had died sometime in the Sixties).
So I thought I'd thaw it out by putting it under the tap. In five
seconds the outside melted into putty, while the rest stayed rock-solid.

I sawed off a few slices and threw it in hot oil. Amazingly, the whole
mess became edible chunks of sausage after a few minutes. I closed my
eyes and ate: most Cubans couldn't afford to buy it, whatever it was.

So when my friend delivered the 10 lbs of fish, I felt bad about eating
it all. Especially after I heard the next-door neighbour muttering to
his wife about "el olor" after I had curried some and the smell had
reached the corner. I felt self-conscious about eating fish when
everyone else was having fried eggs or plantain as usual. So I packed up
the rest of the fish and took it to Dalgis. I asked her to do me a
favour and take it off my hands.

A week later, she invited me to her birthday lime. Her whole family was
crammed into the apartment. She introduced a taciturn old man as the
father of her daughter (her first husband). Only after he had eaten two
servings of lunch, two slices of cake and ice-cream did he speak. And
then, mostly to Esteban. The two were good friends, it seemed.

After bustling about serving everyone, Dalgis opened the box of Nestle
bonbons I'd given her. When she saw the bright, colourful wrappers on
the individually wrapped chocolates and sweets, her face lit up. "Aye,
que linda! Muchas gracias!" She picked out the biggest one and gave it
to me. But I shook my head, saying I didn't like sweets. So she gave it
to her granddaughter. The little girl smiled like it was Christmas Day.
She took her time eating the chocolate. When she was finished, she
licked the paper, folded it neatly and put it in her pocket.

http://www.trinidadexpress.com/index.pl/article_news?id=161145366

Fugitives from U.S. ponder life after Castro

Fugitives from U.S. ponder life after Castro
By Marc Lacey
Sunday, May 13, 2007

HAVANA: These are uneasy times for a man on the lam in Havana.

Charlie Hill, an accused murderer and admitted hijacker, has lived 36
years as a fugitive of U.S. justice. With the Cuban government providing
him an offshore haven, he has managed to live a life beyond the reach of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

But the years are catching up with him. Some of his fellow fugitives
have died recently, forcing Hill, a 57-year-old grandfather whose hair,
once a black Afro, is now closely cropped and grey, to confront his own
mortality.

Inextricably linked with his fate is that of his patron, Fidel Castro,
who is 80 and in failing health. For obvious reasons, Hill and other
fugitives who have long been protected by Castro are hoping for the
longtime leader's recuperation and for a continuation of the Communist
government that has long butted heads with Washington.

"I don't think there will be much change if Fidel dies," Hill said.
"There might be, but I think it's 60-40 that not much will happen. If it
does, well, what can I do?"

The United States also shelters fugitives wanted abroad - most notably
an anti-Castro militant, Luis Posada Carriles - but the U.S. government
puts the number of people wanted by its law enforcement agencies hiding
out in Cuba at about 70. Those who have called the island home since the
1960s and '70s are far fewer.

They include Assata Shakur, formerly Joanne Chesimard, a leader of the
Black Liberation Army, who is one of the most notorious of the fugitives.

She has a $1 million bounty on her head in the killing of a New Jersey
state trooper in 1973. She once listed her number in the Havana phone
book, under her new name, but now lives out of view and under the
protection of the Cuban authorities.

What spooked her is not clear. One U.S. official who was based in Havana
said he once stuck a wanted poster into her fence, just to let her know
that her case was not forgotten.

However much the fugitives wish that their pasts would fade away,
reminders crop up. Fugitives here know that their cases are raised every
year in the State Department's terrorism reports. In the latest one,
issued in April, Washington accused Cuba of harboring and aiding
terrorists from Spain and Colombia, as well as fugitive Black Panthers
and Puerto Rican independence militants.

A controversy at the City College of New York last year reached
fugitives here as well. City University officials ordered the renaming
of a student center that was dedicated to Shakur and another fugitive,
Guillermo Morales, who was arrested on bomb-making charges in 1978 after
he accidentally blew off all but one of his fingers in his Queens apartment.

Morales escaped from custody in New York in 1979 and made his way to
Mexico. The authorities there let him go to Cuba, where he is still
spotted around Havana.

Representative Peter King, Republican of New York, introduced
legislation in the House of Representatives in January intended to put
pressure on Cuba to extradite Morales and the other fugitives.

"I'm furious," said King, who described himself as a distant relative by
marriage of a victim of one of Morales' attacks. "To have these people
walking freely in Havana, given sanctuary by Castro, is disgraceful."

Cuba sees things differently.

Castro stuck up for Shakur in 2005, accusing Washington of portraying
her "as a terrorist, something that was an injustice, a brutality, an
infamous lie."

Castro applies the terrorist label to another fugitive, Carriles, who is
wanted in Venezuela to face trial on charges of blowing up a Cuban
airliner, killing all 73 people aboard.

Carriles, a former CIA operative, denies involvement in downing the
airliner, as well as Cuban claims that he is responsible for a string of
bombings at Havana hotels and nightclubs.

A U.S. federal judge in Texas on Tuesday dismissed charges of
immigration fraud against Carriles, who sneaked into the United States
illegally in 2005.

In winning his release from jail, Carriles, 79, argued that he was
getting up in years, that he posed no flight risk, that all he wanted
was to spend his remaining days with his family.

On both sides of the Florida Strait, it seems, old age is taking its toll.

Hill wound up in Cuba in 1971 after he and two other members of a group,
the Republic of New Afrika, were stopped by a state trooper outside of
Albuquerque, New Mexico, while transporting arms and explosives. One of
them, Hill does not say who, shot the trooper, Robert Rosenbloom, in the
throat.

The three, all in their 20s, then forced their way into the Albuquerque
airport and hijacked a TWA jet. They left behind their dream of creating
a separate nation for American blacks.

Both of Hill's co-defendants have died in Cuba: Ralph Goodwin drowned
years ago at a beach near Havana and Michael Finney succumbed to throat
cancer in 2005.

"I need to quit," Hill said of the cigar habit that he shared with Finney.

Another fugitive from a similar hijacking several years earlier, William
Lee Brent, also died recently. He is buried in an unmarked grave in the
pauper's portion of Colon Cemetery, where eight coffins are stacked atop
one another and then topped with concrete. Brent, who was 75, holds
position No. 5.

"I'm not into grave markers," said Hill, who is a religious man these
days, a follower of Santeria, the Afro-Cuban religion popular on the
island. "I believe you leave your mark on the living."

Hill said he has resigned himself to never seeing the United States as a
free man again.

"I'm not ever going to stroll down Broadway," he said. "If I make any
stroll in the States, it will be in prison. That's a reality."

One he intends to avoid.

At times, he seemed to creep close to apologizing for his actions, or at
least regretting them.

"Everyone has regrets," he said. "In retrospect, I think everyone thinks
they would have done something differently."

But then, his hard-line attitude, the one on display that day outside
Albuquerque, takes over. "If you put me back in that situation again,"
he said, "I would have done the same thing."

http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/05/13/asia/cuba.php

Cash-strapped Cuba eyes Asian economies

Cash-strapped Cuba eyes Asian economies

HAVANA: Communist Cuba is stepping up contacts with Asian nations, most
of which do not share its political views but have the potential to
invest heavily in the communist-run island.

Just a few days ago, Chinese Defense Minister Cao Ganchuan and
Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister Shunmugam Jayakumar found themselves
in Havana at the same time, a coincidence that reflected a recent flurry
of diplomatic activity between Cuba and Asia.

"Asia is the area of the world that has the most recently successful
economies, and Cuba needs to diversify its ties," said Marifeli
Perez-Stable, a Cuba expert at the Washington-based Inter-American
Dialogue think-tank. She also believes Cuba the diplomatic activity
could signal an eventual shift toward a more open economy under acting
president Raul Castro, who has officially led the country since his
older brother Fidel Castro underwent surgery in July.

"I see it as a hopeful sign Cuba might slowly reorient its foreign
policy toward its economic interest," said Perez-Stable.

Earlier this month, Japan's Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs Midori
Matsushima held talks with senior Cuban officials during a rare visit by
a Japanese official to the communist-run Caribbean nation. And last
month, Cuba's Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque traveled to India,
Vietnam and China, returning to Havana in time for a visit by Wu
Guanzheng, an influential member of China's Politburo.

While Chinese military visits to Cuba, like Cao's trip, are frequent,
relations between the two countries are predominantly commercial. China
is Cuba's second largest trade partner after Venezuela, with trade close
to two billion dollars in 2006. It is also a major source of credit.
"The Cubans and the Chinese have flourishing relations. The Chinese are
in Cuba big time," said Brian Latell, a former CIA analyst.

Trade with China has grown steadily since the 1991 collapse of the
Soviet Union deprived Cuba of its staunchest ally and financial backer.
The bilateral trade has been crucial in helping Cuba deal with its
transportation crisis, with the supply of sorely needed locomotives and
busses from China.

Yet, a major investment in Cuba's nickel industry, promised by President
Hu Jintao during a 2004 visit to Cuba, never materialised, and both
sides remain tight-lipped about the fate of the project. "I think they
Chinese are beginning to realise Cubans are not easy to deal with, they
don't pay their bills on time," said Latell of the Washington-based
Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Miami University's Cuba Transition projects estimates that Cuba owes
China $1.77 billion, while Japan is owed $2.2 billion. But potential
investors are keeping a close eye on exploratory drilling just off the
Cuban coast that could one day turn the financially ailing regime into a
flush oil exporter.

India's Videsh and Malaysia's Petronas are among the companies exploring
for oil in Cuban waters of the Gulf of Mexico. "It makes perfect sense
for Cuba to be reaching out to Asia, particularly if Raul Castro opens
up the economy from where it is now," said Perez-Stable.

http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=55598

The Movers and Swappers of Cuba on the Prado

The Movers and Swappers of Cuba on the Prado

Listen to this story... by Lourdes Garcia-Navarro
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4462099

All Things Considered, May 11, 2007 · Housing is free in Cuba — but
those wanting to move must find someone to swap homes, because there is
no system of renting or buying. Every day on the Prado, people who want
to move meet to see whether they can find someone who wants to switch home

http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10141666

Cuba – preparing for change

Cuba – preparing for change
Friday, 11 May 2007 09:03

Cuban president Fidel Castro's recent no-show at the International
Workers' Day festivities, one of the highlights of the socialist
calendar, has again sparked furious debate about the island's future.

Precious little has been seen of the larger-than-life figurehead since
July 2006, when he temporarily ceded power to brother Raul for "several
weeks" after undergoing surgery for intestinal bleeding.

InTheNews.co.uk's Richard Frost reviews Castro's colourful presidency
and the history of antagonism between the US and the West's first
communist state.

Castro's rise to power

Castro took control of Cuba in 1959 following a lengthy militia
campaign. After being released from prison for his role in a 1953 rebel
attack, he promptly formed a new band of insurgents in Mexico and
returned to the Caribbean island in 1956 to fight the military
dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. Batista's cruel repression fuelled
Cuban resentment and gradually swelled the ranks of Castro's rebels. A
steady stream of victories in 1958 prompted Batista to flee to Portugal
in February 1959, leaving the path clear for Castro.

A thorn in the side

Despite supporting Castro by imposing a Cuban arms embargo in 1958, the
US soon grew to distrust its neighbour. A wide-ranging set of political
reforms implemented by the new government included the nationalisation
of Cuban assets, meaning the US lost millions of dollars worth of
investment almost overnight. The ejection of US-based Mafiosi and the
violent suppression of political dissenters soured relationships
further, while an aid agreement struck in 1960 between the Soviet Union
and Cuba terrified the US as the Cold War loomed large.

The Bay of Pigs Invasion

Responding to the perceived threat, the CIA began secretly training up
Cuban exiles in Florida to help them overthrow Castro. However, the Bay
of Pigs invasion was a disaster as US president John F. Kennedy denied
aerial support in a bid to appear impartial and Cuba repelled the
attack. This prompted the US to adopt more covert methods of regime
change. In 1999, the then head of the Cuban secret services estimated
there had been 638 plots to assassinate Castro down the years, with the
CIA was believed to have tried explosives-laden conch shells, poisoned
diving suits and even exploding cigars.

The Cuban Missile Crisis

However, the Cuba-US neighbourly dispute assumed a global significance
in 1962 at the height of the Cold War. The Soviet Union, keen to gain a
strategic foothold on its rival's doorstep, struck a deal with Castro to
install nuclear weapons on the island. The resulting crisis was the
closest the world has come to nuclear war.

The crisis started when the Soviets launched a convoy of ships across
the Atlantic to deliver nuclear missiles to Cuba. However, the US
learned of the plans and immediately surrounded Castro's island,
threatening to destroy any ship found running the blockade. As the
convoy neared, both superpowers prepared their respective nuclear
arsenals for launch. However, a war was narrowly averted when the Soviet
ships withdrew and the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.

An enigma

Modern-day Cuba is a puzzle. On the one hand, the island has a legendary
healthcare system and an education-for-all programme that is almost as
famous. On the other hand, hundreds of thousands of Cubans have fled to
Florida and beyond following Castro's crackdowns against free speech,
freedom of association and anything "contrary to the decision of the
Cuban people to build socialism and communism".

Last year, as Castro ceded power, US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice
called upon the Cuban population to rise up in support of a full and
open democracy. The methods may have changed somewhat, but almost half a
century later, it appears the US is still preoccupied with its
diminutive communist neighbour

http://www.inthenews.co.uk/news/infocus/features/view-from-abroad/cuba-%E2%80%93-preparing-change-$1084088.htm

Spain derails EU pro-democracy strategy for Cuba

Spain derails EU pro-democracy strategy for Cuba
11.05.2007 - 09:25 CET | By Andrew Rettman

EUOBSERVER / BRUSSELS - The German EU presidency is likely to shelve an
EU strategy paper on Cuba that was due to be published next month after
a drive by the Czech Republic to insert new "operational ideas" on EU
pro-democracy projects in the Caribbean dictatorship lead to Spanish
blockage of the document.


"The most likely scenario is that the [EU] council will issue a note
praising progress in the work so far. I don't think it will be dropped
altogether but it will not be finished in time," an EU official said,
with Berlin having planned to publish the Cuba paper at an EU foreign
ministers meeting on 18 June.

The disagreement stems from Spain's push to have closer EU links with
the Castro regime, arguing that engagement will help ensure peaceful
succession of power after Fidel Castro dies and open room for human
rights discussions, while fearing that any racy new EU strategy paper
could see Cuba turn its back.

When Spanish foreign minister Miguel Angel Moratinos visited the island
last month - breaking an EU taboo on high-level diplomatic contact - he
declined to meet any dissidents, but launched a new "human rights"
dialogue with Havana, which later released a handful of political prisoners.

Greece and Cyprus back Spain's position in the EU council, which takes
all foreign policy decisions by unanimity. But a larger group led by the
Czech Republic and including Poland, the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark,
Ireland and Portugal believe the EU should be helping opposition groups
get ready for Castro's departure.

Meanwhile, Prague-based group People in Need has accused Spain of
protecting national commercial interests at the expense of EU values,
with Spanish firm Repsol YPF bidding for Cuban oil contracts. Havana's
hollow promise on human rights talks and the prisoners gesture is
designed to help Madrid sell its ideas in Brussels, the NGO says.

"We have an economic interest there, but the [Moratinos] visit was a
purely political visit," a Spanish foreign ministry spokesman said. "The
US also has commercial interests...Spain, with the history it has [as a
former colonial power in Cuba] cannot stay out of this in the future."

"The EU should be a leading supporter of democracy and human rights in
the world, so we wanted Europe to take political steps [on Cuba]," a
diplomat from a member state that opposes Spain's position said. He
added that the draft strategy paper, in the form acceptable to Madrid,
was so devoid of content it became "unusable."

The 18 June foreign ministers meeting is also set to decide whether or
not to restart EU diplomatic sanctions against Cuba, in line with a
regular review timetable. The sanctions were suspended in 2005 due to
Spanish pressure, with ongoing Spanish opposition set to preserve the
status quo.

http://euobserver.com/9/24027

Cuba Embraces Largest Children's Bible Shipment

Cuba Embraces Largest Children's Bible Shipment
By
Michelle Vu
Christian Post Reporter
Thu, May. 10 2007 02:34 PM ET

After weeks of waiting, over 134,000 Children's Story Bibles passed
through Cuban Customs as part of the largest shipment of Children's
Christian material in Cuba's history.
Enlarge this Image
Most important Story Bible
(Photo: WorldServe Ministries)
''Most Important Story '' Bible Cover in English.

WorldServe Ministries, an organization serving the persecuted Church
worldwide, in partnership with American Bible Society, is bringing
200,000 Spanish Most Important Story (MIS) Children's Bibles to be
distributed among Cuba's 56 denominations.

Two of the three containers of Bibles have passed customs as of Tuesday,
reported WorldServe.

"Many thanks for these Bibles," said one of the Cuban denominational
leaders, whose name was not disclosed, according to WorldServe. "They
are greatly used and appreciated."

WorldServe, which began working in Cuba in 1993, focuses on church
planting, pastoral training, Bible distribution, and other areas of
financial assistance to improve the spiritual and living conditions of
the people and the churches.

The 212-page MIS Story Bible, the first of its kind to be shipped by
WorldServe into Cuba, contains important and popular stories selected
from the Old and New Testament. At the end of the Bible, there is also
the 32-page MIS booklet called The Most Important Story Ever Told, which
has been widely distributed in the country in previous years.

Although this shipment is the first time MIS Story Bibles have entered
Cuba, over the past ten years, WorldServe has shipped more than 1.7
million Most Important Story Ever Told booklets into Cuba, averaging
about 200,000 a year.

"Today in Cuba there is a desperate need for children's evangelistic
material," said Tommy Danielsson, WorldServe's vice president of
outreach and special projects, to The Christian Post. "The Most
Important Story has been the most effective children's gospel booklet
for church outreach into the community."

These scripture booklets are said to be popular among Christians and
non-Christians alike in Cuba.

Christian children often give the MIS as birthday favors to other
children at their parties. The parents of non-Christian children see
their children playing and learning from the booklets at home and in
turn requests copies to give to their families and friends.

Over the past couple of years, the Bible Commission of Cuba reported
receiving hundreds of requests from non-Christians for the children's
scripture booklets.

Cuba, a communist country, has had a publicly tense and even hostile
relationship with the United States since the Cuban Revolution of 1959
when Fidel Castro came to power. And ever since 1961, the U.S. has not
had formal diplomatic relations with Cuba.

Yet despite tense U.S.-Cuban relations, both nations have given
permission for the Bibles to be distributed in Cuba.

Cuban Christian leaders explained that several years back the country's
communist leaders approached them for help in educating the youth and
combating the country's drug problems after seeing their good works in
other social areas such as hurricane relief. The church leaders agreed
but said they needed permission to plant churches and import Bibles.
Cuban officials had agreed to their request for both churches and Bibles.

Children of the Eastern Baptist Convention now participate in "Happy
Hour" – a community program where Christian kids invite their
non-Christian neighbors into their homes to sing, play games, hear a
devotional and memorize scripture. The MIS is reportedly used by the
children in memorizing Bible verses.

Moreover, the MIS is also used at hospital bedsides and for chaplains in
prison ministries with both adults and children.

Although unknown to many people, Christianity has flourished and
continues to grow in Cuba where people are said to "flock" to church.

In 1991 – the year when the Congressional Communist Party voted to
change Cuba's constitutional status from atheist to secular state –
there were only 1,100 churches and house churches in the island nation.
About 16 years later there are now more than 16,000 house churches,
according to WorldServe.

"We send our gratitude to you for all of these Biblical materials that
you continue to send," thanked one Cuban church leader, whose name was
not disclosed. "It is the most effective material available to reach the
Cuban Children."

http://www.christianpost.com/article/20070510/27314_Cuba_Embraces_Largest_Children%92s_Bible_Shipment.htm

Cuba: When Will It Happen?

Angus Reid Global Monitor : Politics In Depth
Cuba: When Will It Happen?
May 10, 2007

Speculation on how the island will deal with the death of its strongman
is likely devoid of reality.

Gabriela Perdomo - Many people expect the imminent demise of Fidel
Castro to change the face of Cuba in a rather spectacular way. But some
analysts are noting now that the island is already undergoing its
transition towards a different society. In other words, change might
come to Cuba in a less TV-friendly way than thought.

Saying that Cuba is a unique society is an understatement. Living under
Castro's rule since 1959, Cuban society has strong ideological
components that will very much likely carry on after Castro's departure.
The entire adult population and the new generations have learned from
the same discourse through a standardized and effective national
education system, and even if words like "revolution" might start fading
away soon, values such as securing human dignity through universal
health care and literacy are part of every Cuban's identity.

For this reason, it is hard to imagine Cubans will dramatically turn
away from their lifestyle the day Castro dies. A Gallup study conducted
in September 2006 found that more than seven-in-ten urban Cubans
describe themselves as "fair" and "egalitarian" people. Almost
four-in-five express satisfaction with their community schools, 96 per
cent agree that health care is accessible to anyone regardless of
economic status, and 74 per cent say they are confident in the country's
health care system.

Clearly, this does not mean Cubans are entirely happy with the status
quo. The same Gallup study found up to 40 per cent of respondents
disapprove of the country's leadership.

Castro is recovering from health problems that pushed him to hand power
temporarily to his brother Raúl in late July last year. Following alarms
about his possible sudden death, he took the backstage for a few months
but is now actively participating in political matters again, if not
entirely in public yet. The leader's partial resignation last year was
expected to cause major changes, and announce the advent of a new era
for Cuba. However, his brother's governing style has served, if
anything, to strengthen the Castro system and ideologies in Cuba. Raúl,
who is only a couple of years younger than his brother, is reportedly
working towards preparing the new generations to govern Cuba once the
brothers are out of the picture.

Analysts tend to speculate on what will happen to the complex communist
experiment that is Cuba when Castro dies, but basing their thoughts on
what Washington will do. Mainly, because it is hard to know what Cubans
are themselves thinking and instead is easy to speculate on how the
White House will react to the news. The Gallup study lends credibility
to the idea that Cubans will reject any leadership that may put at risk
the core values of the island's socialist revolution. Contrary to what
many open-market enthusiasts may think, it will take years, maybe
generations, before the majority of Cubans appreciate private property
and liberal values if that means they have to renounce to the protection
of the State regarding basic human needs.

However, the Gallup study also shows Cubans are not entirely averse to
opening up to trade with countries having different political systems to
theirs. To the question "If Cuba wanted to increase its commercial
relations with one other country, what country would be the ideal
partner for Cuba?", the United States ranked first, mentioned by 44 per
cent of respondents, while China and Venezuela were low on the list with
17 and 15 per cent respectively. This is an interesting point, given the
fact that socialist-driven Venezuela and communist China are Cuba's
largest trading partners right now. For some reason, Cubans seem more
eager to do business with their long-time foe than with their current
allies. Now, the question is whether Washington will ever agree to lift
the four-decade long embargo on Cuba even if the administration is not
radically transformed after Castro's death.

No matter how much speculation goes on this matter, the fact is sooner
or later Fidel Castro and his brother will be gone. Many people predict
there will be a day when Cuba's doors magically will open, thousands
will flee to the United States, and others will go back from Miami to
buy land with the savings of their American lifetime and resettle in
their home country. At least this is what they think in the U.S., where
the Defence Department announced last week it has hired a Florida
company to build a temporary complex in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where
apparently potential migrants could be contained in the case of a
massive exodus.

In any case, those pondering how Cuba will look like in the future
should keep two things in mind: first, Castro is recovering and might
even take power again. Second, his long recovery has given the entire
country time to prepare for the future. And the Cuban people's capacity
to deal with this transition should not be underestimated.

http://www.angus-reid.com/analysis/index.cfm/fuseaction/viewItem/itemID/15690

Cuba: after Fidel, who?

Cuba: after Fidel, who?
By Rodrigo Acuña - posted Wednesday, 9 May 2007

Fidel Castro's non-appearance at this year's May Day rally confirms
that, while the Cuban leader may have resumed some of his former duties,
the "bearded one" is still quite frail.

Even if, in the next few days, weeks or even months, Castro makes a
return as Cuban Head of State, many observers agree that he will
drastically reduce his responsibilities and take on the lifestyle of an
emeritus professor.

Castro's continuing stream of editorials indicate that, as long as his
memory and body still respond to his will, the old rebel does not intend
to move.

Indeed, many respected Cubanophiles believe that, although the
post-Fidel era is now well underway (proving that the Cuban Revolution
is bigger than just one man) the changes in the coming months are
certainly not the ones that the Bush Administration and many in Miami
have long yearned for.

Having lived under his brother's colossal shadow, the younger Castro,
Raúl, in recent months has spoken out against corruption and offered the
US an olive branch as long as the "resolution is based on the principle
of equality, reciprocity, non-interference and mutual respect".

Traditionally viewed as a hardliner, Raúl Castro has recently developed
a reputation as a pragmatist and leader who wants to take greater
measures to improve Cubans' lives. At the end of 2006, Marc Frank, in an
article for Reuters, wrote that "Raúl Castro [has] expressed frustration
with bureaucracy, demanded answers to declining food output, urged
Cuba's press to be more critical and authorised a study of socialist
property relations".

Whether Raúl is genuinely committed to these reforms remains to be seen,
but even Brian Latell - a staunch critic of Havana and a former top Cuba
analyst at the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) - has conceded that the
younger Castro has been proceeding in a much bolder manner than
expected, encouraging debate throughout the country and requesting
university students to "fearlessly" discuss the island's problems.

Other, even younger Castro blood may indeed take up the call. Daughter
of Raúl and the legendary guerrilla Vilma Espín , Mariela Castro is the
Director of the National Sex Education Centre (Cenesex) and is a figure
to watch in the future, according to Latin American analyst Richard Gott.

Speaking to Tom Fawthrop for The Christian Science Monitor last
December, Mariela Castro conceded that bigoted attitudes towards
homosexuals still exist among police - a situation in which she has
personally intervened. She also stated:

We have many contradictions in Cuba … [but] we need to experiment and to
test what really works, to make public ownership more effective, rather
than simply adopting wholesale free-market reforms.

But, even though Mariela has caught the international media's eye, it
remains to be seen if she is appointed to a key position within a future
(post-Fidel) Cuban Government.

One man who already holds much power is 55-year-old Carlos Lage. Noted
for riding his bicycle to work, Lage, a trained pediatrician, is
currently Executive Secretary of Cuba's Council of Ministers and is
often described as the island's de facto Prime Minister. Having guided
Cuba during the "special period" when it lost up to 80 per cent of its
trade with the former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries, Lage is
also credited as having successfully negotiated a trade deal with
Caracas which sees Cuban doctors work in Venezuela's slums in return for
affordable oil.

For many Cubans, Lage is the preferred option for the leadership and is
seen as a man who may also move Cuba towards being a more open society.
While there is some diversity of opinion (and the situation is slowly
improving), it is still a fact that there are "boundaries" that are best
not crossed by journalists, authors and artists. The absence of a
diversified media in Cuba highlights the island's serious need for
reform. Watch an episode of Round Table - the top political program on
Cuban TV - and you will hear views which only reinforce the status quo.
(A more appropriate name for the program might be the Square Table.)

One man who has dared to step on a few toes is the country's Minister
for Culture, writer Abel Prieto. Pushing for further liberalisation of
cultural expression, Abel is a rare example of a Cuban who has had the
courage to question Castro's judgment. After Prieto had been blamed for
the large number of artists leaving the country, he defended himself
against the charges, and "millions watched as their supreme leader
accepted his error and apologised to Abel Prieto," live on State
television, according to Tom Fawthrop.

Prieto, according to Gott, is someone to watch in future years, as is
the young Foreign Affairs Minister Felipe Pérez Roque. Compared to many
older Government figures - some of whom are quite bland - Roque's
passion in attacking the US economic blockade against Cuba and his sharp
tongue at the United Nations are refreshing.

The next generation of political leaders will clearly be important, but
the key factor in the survival (or otherwise) of the Cuban Revolution
after Fidel shuffles off the podium will depend on the Cuban people.
Many young Cubans are frustrated with corrupt Communist Party
bureaucrats, the lack of free speech, and the poverty of the island -
despite the fact that they have a much better deal than most in the
slums of Latin America.

According to Julia Sweig in "Fidel's Final Victory" - one of the best
essays on Cuba published in the journal Foreign Affairs - what US policy
has fundamentally failed to accept is that:

Cuba is far from a multi-Party democracy, but it is a functioning
country with highly opinionated citizens where locally elected officials
(albeit all from one Party) worry about issues such as garbage
collection, public transportation, employment, education, health care,
and safety. Although plagued by worsening corruption, Cuban institutions
are staffed by an educated civil service, battle-tested military
officers, a capable diplomatic corps, and a skilled work force. Cuban
citizens are highly literate, cosmopolitan, endlessly entrepreneurial,
and by global standards quite healthy.

The big question is can Cubans be optimistic about the future? From the
perspective of Ignacio Ramonet - Editor-in-chief of Le Monde
diplomatique - writing in the January/February 2007 issue of Foreign
Policy, the answer is, "Yes". Ramonet points to figures such as Cuba's
GDP growth - roughly 5 per cent a year during the last 10 years - which
is amongst the highest in Latin America.

Furthermore, as Gary Prevost - Professor of Political Science with St.
John's University - has recently argued in an edition of Commonweal
magazine the China factor has also been crucial, with the Asian giant
looking to make Cuba its platform into Latin American markets.

China's projects range from investing in potential oil reserves in the
Straits of Florida; a joint Havana-Beijing venture to produce Cuban
bio-medical products in China; and plans to build two Chinese plants to
manufacture household appliances for both Cuba and Latin America. As if
that were not enough, Prevost notes that China has also chosen Cuba as
"the place to send thousands of its young people to learn Spanish" - as
part of its overall project to expand into South and Central America.

Of course, if the Cuban leadership goes too far in its opening of the
economy and moves away form the country's strong social policies, the
island could very well become a place where corrupt bureaucrats, a
business elite and a new (although, still small) middle class enjoy the
benefits of a consumer society while most of the population are slapped
in the face with socialist propaganda and market economics.

With such a Cuba, Washington would be more than happy to do business.

In future, one can only hope the Caribbean island will reinvent itself
as a society where greater freedom of expression is allowed, further
liberalisation of the economy takes place, and yet the fundamental
aspects of the society - work, health care and education - are further
bolstered.

First published in New Matilda on May 2, 2007.

http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=5823