2010-04-01. The Latell Report, March 2010, Cuban Transition Project,
Dr. Brian Latell
(www.miscelaneasdecuba.net).- Predictions that the Castro regime will 
soon collapse are popular again. Such speculation is fueled by many 
developments over the last year, including missteps by Raul Castro, 
stasis and confusion in the ruling gerontocracy, the rehabilitation of 
Ramiro Valdes, severe economic contractions, and rising international 
condemnations of Cuba's appalling human rights record.
And of course, actuarially, the odds favoring sudden changes at the top 
are steadily increasing. All of that adds up to greater uncertainty than 
before.
But predicting the demise of the Castro brothers' regime has been a 
losing proposition for all of the 51 years they have exercised power. 
There have been a number of occasions when observers on and off the 
island let themselves be convinced that the final chapter was being 
written. I believed that once myself, as I have explained in After Fidel.
It was following the disappearance of the Soviet Union when Cuba's 
economy plunged into what seemed then like terminal seizure. The largest 
riots the regime ever experienced broke out on the Malecon in Havana and 
in a few other places. Ox carts were substituting for transport 
vehicles; factories were shutting down for lack of inputs; and extended 
energy blackouts were provoking popular discontent. The leadership was 
in a state of geopolitical shock.
  By any rational analysis, the economic survival strategy Fidel Castro 
decreed would never be able to compensate for the loss of the 
approximately $6 billion of annual Soviet bloc subsidies. But the regime 
did survive its worst economic crisis, the Special Period in Peacetime. 
There were few defections from the leadership, no known challenge to 
Castro from within the nomenclatura, and no outward signs of political 
tremors.
At other junctures, political and economic convulsions also appeared to 
some to be more than the Castros could handle. There was, for example, 
the chaos of the first few years of the revolution as rapid 
confiscations of property and brutal repression of dissent fueled the 
exodus of skilled and professional Cubans and their families. The 
Matos-Cienfuegos crisis in the fall of 1959 could easily have ended 
differently, that is, in violent conflict within the embryonic armed 
forces and the diverse July 26th Movement.
In the 1960's there were numerous real or apparent challenges to the 
Castros' hegemony. The 1962 "sectarian" purge, the 1964 Marcos Rodriguez 
affair, the "microfaction" purge later in the decade, and the defections 
of many prominent officials and scapegoating of others by Fidel Castro 
suggested at times that the regime was faltering. But of course, the 
hopes of those predicting its downfall came to naught.
In retrospect, the gravest of all the crises the regime has weathered 
probably occurred during the summer of 1989. Highlighted by dramatic 
show trials, executions, dangerous purges, suspicious deaths (suicide 
and heart attack?), and preposterously contrived charges of drug 
trafficking, the Ochoa-de la Guardia-Abrahantes affair may some day be 
known to have been the closest the Castro brothers have ever come to a 
genuinely regime-threatening crisis.
They were playing with fire when they ordered convulsive purges in the 
Ministry of Interior (MININT). And their frantic behavior during those 
tense weeks are evidence enough of how grave a backlash they thought 
might materialize.
Juan Antonio Rodriguez Menier, a late 1980's defector from Cuban 
intelligence who has written about the DGI and the Ministry of Interior, 
has commented on the fateful summer of 1989. "Internal opposition has 
been serious in the past," he has said, "proven by the execution of 
(General Arnaldo) Ochoa & the imprisonment of nearly 200 MININT 
officials who were opposed to Castro and were almost to the point of 
conspiring to overthrow him."
Rodriguez Menier explains that "the old generation of MININT leaders 
long contemplated a conspiracy against Fidel, but in the end, they saw 
no viable alternative. While the armed forces are largely 'yes sir 
types,' the MININT consists of the most intelligent Cubans who are also 
the best informed."
It has been more than twenty years now since the MININT purges and 
executions, plenty of time for Fidel and Raul Castro and their 
subalterns to have repaired the damage done. But Rodriguez Menier's 
judgments may nonetheless have relevance to Cuban conditions today. An 
elite-led rebellion or challenge to the doddering regime will be more 
likely than one that spontaneously arises in the streets. But predicting 
it will continue to be a reckless undertaking.
I wish to acknowledge the valuable assistance of Ms. Lolita Sosa, my 
University of Miami student research assistant.
Dr. Brian Latell, distinguished Cuba analyst and recent author of the 
book, After Fidel: The Inside Story of Castro's Regime and Cuba's Next 
Leader, is a Senior Research Associate at ICCAS. He has informed 
American and foreign presidents, cabinet members, and legislators about 
Cuba and Fidel Castro in a number of capacities. He served in the early 
1990s as National Intelligence Officer for Latin America at the Central 
Intelligence Agency and taught at Georgetown University for a quarter 
century. Dr. Latell has written, lectured, and consulted extensively.
The CTP, funded by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International 
Development (USAID), can be contacted at P.O. Box 248174, Coral Gables, 
Florida 33124-3010, Tel: 305-284-CUBA (2822), Fax: 305-284-4875, and by 
email at ctp.iccas@miami.edu.
The Latell Report March 2010
Welcome to The Latell Report. The Report, analyzing Cuba's contemporary 
domestic and foreign policy, is published monthly except August and 
December and distributed by the electronic information service of the 
Cuba Transition Project (CTP) at the University of Miami's Institute for 
Cuban and Cuban-American Studies (ICCAS).
The Latell Report is a publication of ICCAS and no government funding 
has been used in its publication. The opinions expressed herein are 
those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ICCAS 
and/or the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
http://www.miscelaneasdecuba.net/web/article.asp?artID=26902
 
 
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