By Leonardo Padura Fuentes
The fact is that the form of governance has not changed in the country 
and will not in the short term.
One of the most thankless and complicated exercises required of Cuba 
specialists is having to divine what lies behind — or beneath — 
developments in the country.
The most recent developments in Cuba — let's say, since the announcement 
of the liberation of 52 prisoners, counterrevolutionaries to one side, 
conscientious resisters to the other — has set off a veritable avalanche 
of speculation intensified by unexpected factors like the reappearance 
of Fidel Castro after a four-year absence due to illness; the decision 
by president Raul Castro to not make a major speech for the July 26 
anniversary, considered until now the most important public event of the 
year in Cuba; or the presidential announcement during the last meeting 
of the legislature of a broadening of the forms of freelance work 
permitted as a way to ease the economic troubles and absorb a portion of 
state workers that need to be 'rationalised' (more than a million, or a 
staggering 20 per cent of the country's labour force).
Struggle for power
The questions most frequently asked by reporters and specialists — and 
put to anyone that might have an interesting hunch — relate to the 
possibility that at the upper reaches of Cuban politics there is a 
struggle for power or at least for a different economic orientation 
(including tensions between Raul and Fidel); to the new economic model 
that Cuba might be inching towards; and to the possibility that economic 
change might trigger political change.
The most prominent element of Cuban reality is without a doubt the 
critical economic and financial situation, caused not only by the US 
embargo/blockade and the global crisis but also, and especially, by the 
exhaustion or unsuitability of its current economic and trade 
structures, which will have to be changed sooner or later.
Thus the decision of the government to broaden the possibilities for 
private enterprise (though it is not yet known in which sectors or with 
what conditions) is doubtless a response to the current calls for 
change. President Raul Castro himself admitted in his last pronouncement 
that it was no longer possible to maintain the image (or reality) of 
Cuba as a country where one could live without working and yet, as the 
president also recognised, not be able to live on what one makes from 
working (even for the most highly-trained professionals). This 
demonstrates the existence of serious deformations in the economic 
system of a country which granted itself the luxury of maintaining full 
employment at the cost of inefficiency, unproductivity, the creation of 
unnecessary jobs, and, as a consequence, the payment of salaries that 
are more virtual than real. This saps workers' motivation and forces 
many to support themselves in the most twisted ways, which, in general, 
derive from and lead to corruption, stealing from the government, or the 
black market.
Paternalism
It is also clear that Cuban social policy, while retaining certain 
standards of social security, has ceased its 'paternalism' (a creation 
of the state) in response not to political will but rather to economic 
necessity. The effects of this change are felt in the educational sector 
(cuts in scholarships and dropping university enrolment, for example) in 
pensions (the retirement age has been raised by five years), and in the 
taxes will be imposed on land that is not cultivated or barely so.
Finally, though equally important, there is the fact that the form of 
governance has not changed in Cuba and will not in the short term. The 
government has warned that the single-party political system and 
socialist economic planning will not be effected by the changes that are 
being made or by the introduction of specific measures, like the 
liberation of the 52 prisoners.
What is undeniable in the mix of predictions and the lack of information 
is that the Cuban government is seeking economic alternatives that could 
shore up its political position. There is no other way to interpret the 
encouragement of freelance work (reestablished and at the same time 
denigrated in the 1990s), or plans for opening up tourism, including not 
only the 16 new golf courses and the construction of marinas for yachts 
but also the sale of homes to foreigners (another practice from the 90s 
that had virtually disappeared). And, to not seem out of place, we might 
also ask the oracles, "What foreigners will the houses be sold to?" 
"Might some surprise be brewing in US-Cuban relations?"
http://www.deccanherald.com/content/87638/cuba-seeks-development-alternatives.html
 
 
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