March 22, 2012
Pedro Campos
HAVANA TIMES, March 22 — Once again Havana's public transportation 
system is in crisis. Again the mass media of the party-government are 
pointing the finger at "transportation workers and indisciplina social 
(public negligence)."
Again they are advocating more control and repressive measures used 
against workers and the bus users.
For some of them, it seems "these people don't deserve the sacrifices 
made by the state. They aren't worthy of the confidence of their leaders."
Yet the state-government is maintaining its low wages at state 
enterprises and continues to ignore the proposals by workers and the 
left for introducing co-management, self-management and cooperatives in 
this sector.
Indeed, they are failing to live up to their own "Guidelines" reform 
program as it relates to the extension of co-cooperativism in all 
spheres of production and services, though that plan was approved almost 
a year ago (last April) by the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party (PCC).
How much longer will we remain in this cycle of political, economic and 
social inconsistencies?
How much longer we will have to listen to the "journalist" defenders of 
the bureaucratic status quo, expressing the same anti-proletarian and 
anti-popular dribble?
How much longer will truly socialist proposals be ignored by the 
government-party?
In an article written in July 2006, almost six years ago, under the 
title "The Urban Transportation Crisis in Havana. An Alternative: 
Transportation Cooperatives," I noted: "When these buses arrive 
(referring to the Chinese Yutong buses) a set of measures will be 
required to ensure their correct and rational use. Without these, what 
could soon occur is what always happens: After a few months or a few 
years, the entire fleet will have to be replaced due to the lack of 
proper maintenance and use."
Well, here are the facts. Today we are facing the same problem, which 
has as its principal causes: the nationalization and centralization of 
public transportation; the lack of encouragement of private carriers to 
become organized into cooperatives; and finally, the lack of the 
socialization of that industry.
We are left reiterating the same proposed solutions that the state 
refuses to set in motion, and to a certain extent the workers themselves 
are applying in their own way.  Drivers are taking part of the bus fares 
to buy spare parts and pay mechanics and bus washers, as well as part 
for their personal benefit, of course.
In the absence of organized socialization, popular initiative and 
private capitalism are filling the void.
In that article what was proposed was the cooperativizing of public 
transportation and the creation of conditions to economic and socially 
stimulate the cooperativization of private transport providers with the 
goal of ensuring transportation stability, quality and low prices.
  There were two basic proposals, which I am summarizing below but 
without repeating the detailed arguments:
1- "Create self-managed socialist transportation cooperatives with 
groups of workers organized in each bus terminal, so that all of the 
cooperatives of the terminals in Havana unite to form a union of urban 
transportation cooperatives.
2- "Eliminate the current restrictions on the issuing of licenses to 
individual carriers and lower the cost of licenses. Instead of trying to 
eliminate this type of worker through taxes and other administrative 
measures, the state should assist them by providing loans and discounts 
on the purchase of spare parts and accessories to those workers who are 
willing to form traditional cooperatives that also include mechanics, 
body work shops, flat tire repairers, and other related workers, with 
their own resources."
Instead of what was suggested, permission was allowed only for issuing 
licenses to private carriers. What's more, rather than encouraging them 
to form cooperatives, the government-state has encouraged those who have 
a lot of money to buy several vehicles and exploit workers. The chaos 
with regard to public transportation is well known and the fares for 
private taxis have increased.
We can recall that in the early years of the revolution when the 
imperialist blockade was tightened, workers sought out ways to repair 
vehicles through their own wits. Thousands of mechanics, lathe 
operators, milling machine operators and foundry workers took part in 
and supported this effort.
That enthusiasm, which was typical throughout all of the early 
revolutionary period, faded and was never replaced by the process of the 
socialization of ownership. This should have followed to achieve that 
so-called "sense of belonging," which is now being called for but 
without changing the conditions of wage-labor exploitation employed by 
the state.
It could now be that reform czar Marino Murillo has been able to secure 
additional loans for spare parts and new buses on his recent visits to 
China and the Ukraine. When these arrive they will improve 
transportation but only to the point of reinitiating the cycle if state 
relations of wage-labor production are not changed.
In the meantime, workers and the population in general will continue to 
be blamed for the crisis and be made to carry the weight on their 
shoulders, while the bureaucracy — in their modern air-conditioned cars 
with white, green, blue, and yellow license plates — will continue 
demanding workplace and social discipline.
When the workers and the people get tired of supporting such disastrous 
situations and affronts, they won't place the blame on "imperialism, its 
agents, counter-revolutionaries, instigators or anarchists."
The real and sole ones responsible for the "destabilization of socialism 
in Cuba" are those who are reluctant to promote it, as they digress 
among neo-liberalist and neo-Stalinist approaches and frolic with the 
fire of national and foreign capitalism.
 
 
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