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Friday, March 21, 2008

When spies become diplomats

CUBA
When spies become diplomats
Posted on Tue, Mar. 11, 2008
By CHRIS SIMMONS
Chris.Simmons@CubanIntelligence.com

Since the earliest days of the Castro regime, the Cuban government has
used diplomatic cover for its spies. Among them are Félix Wilson and
José Imperatori, both of whom served at the Cuban Interests Section in
Washington, D.C. Historically, this practice is generally reserved for
either the United States or for sympathetic regimes and close allies.

However, the choice of René Mujica Cantelar as Cuba's ambassador to the
United Kingdom highlights a disturbing new trend. London is a close U.S.
ally and, more important for Havana, a primary U.S. ally in the global
war on terror. During extensive discussions during the past months, two
former Cuban intelligence officers who are now in the United States
identified Mujica as a deep-cover spy in Cuba's foreign-intelligence
service, the Directorate of Intelligence (DI).

Mujica spent his earlier years in U.S. posts. He served at the Cuban
Interests Section in 1977-1986 and then at the Cuban Mission to the
United Nations (CMUN) in 1990-93. Juan Antonio Rodríguez Menier -- who
served with the DI's predecessor, the Directorate General of
Intelligence (DGI), for 28 years -- noted that both of Mujica's U.S.
postings carried the rank of first secretary. Historically, the DI uses
senior diplomatic positions only for its higher-ranking officers.

Additionally, Mujica is apparently highly trusted by Raúl Castro, given
that his CMUN assignment followed a devastating 1989 restructuring and
downsizing of the DGI into the DI.

In the wake of the 1989 arrest and execution of Division Gen. Arnaldo
Ochoa, Castro and the Ministry of the Armed Forces took control of the
Interior Ministry (MININT). Army Corps Gen. Abelardo Colome Ibarra
became the interior minister and conducted a massive purge. Armed forces
officers loyal to Castro replaced hundreds of MININT/DGI officers who
were jailed, fired or retired.

After a few years back at DI headquarters, Mujica was transferred to
Europe, where he spent six years as ambassador to Brussels (1996-2002)
and another three as deputy director of the Europe Division. There, he
worked for better E.U.-Cuban relations and recommended the E.U. rethink
its position on Cuba. Mujica sees signs of warming European-Cuban
relations but fears that E.U. enlargement may slow rapprochement since
some new pro-American members tend to take a hard-line position.

Since his posting to London, Mujica is focused on stronger bilateral
relations with the United Kingdom. He is a strong and vocal critic of
Bush administration measures intended to hasten the end of the Castro
brothers' rule, including tightened restrictions on family visits and
remittances from Cuban Americans -- funds now critical to the regime's
survival.

According to former DI officer Juan Reyes-Alonso, Mujica's diplomat
postings were intended to improve his cover for intelligence missions.
Now, he enjoys the best of both worlds. As a deep-cover DI officer, he
does not meet with regular DI assets like traditional intelligence
officers at an embassy. This has kept him ''off the radar'' of foreign
counterintelligence services and their surveillance teams. As a result,
he is living the dream of DI officers and diplomats -- he has little
direct supervision and enjoys considerable freedom of movement.

Mujica's presence marks an unsettling pattern in Havana's use of spies
as ambassadors. Its increasing tendency to target U.S. neighbors, close
allies and nations that serve as bases for U.S. operations in the War on
Terror is a concern. In these situations, the presence of an
ambassador-spy guarantees that the DI will always have the necessary
diplomatic protections to accomplish its mission. Regrettably, America's
allies have done little or nothing in the face of this new intelligence
challenge.
Chris Simmons is a career counterintelligence officer and an expert on
Cuban intelligence.

http://www.miamiherald.com/851/story/451679.html

Cuban wife waited 27 years for imprisoned husband

GLORIA LIZAMA PUJALS, 82
Cuban wife waited 27 years for imprisoned husband
Posted on Mon, Mar. 10, 2008
BY ELINOR J. BRECHER
ebrecher@MiamiHerald.com

Fidel Castro took her husband away from her in 1961. This time, it's a
deadly disease that has separated the couple.

Twenty-seven years and 22 days she waited.

Twenty-seven years and 22 days he knew she would.

Gloria Lizama Pujals could have left Cuba any time between 1961 and 1988
while her husband, José Pujals Mederos, suffered in prison as an accused
CIA operative who'd plotted against Fidel Castro. She could have joined
her children in Fort Lauderdale, where relatives were raising them.

Instead, she remained in Cuba, even returning after a U.S. visit in
1981. She saw José when permitted -- seldom more than monthly --
arranged clandestine sightings and kept faith through his seven years in
solitary confinement, her steadfastness equal parts love and duty.

''She did not seek sacrifice,'' her husband said, ``but when it came,
she embraced it, with modesty and humility. . . . She was always happy.''

She died March 4, at 82, in hospice care near her Tallahassee home. The
cause was transverse myelitis, a neurological disorder.

Now the husband who called her ''my queen, my doll, my jewel'' is the
one who waits -- for the heavenly reunion in which he believes.

''I jokingly say that she will not have to wait for me another 27 years
and 22 days,'' said José Pujals. He is 83.

Gloria Lizama was born in Havana to Felipe Lizama and Amalia Verdeja,
Spaniards who operated a small department store. She was the next to
youngest of five daughters and a son.

She graduated first in her class from the Colegio Teresiana and met her
future husband at 17. They courted for five years.

He proposed at a café, while a band played As Time Goes By from the
movie Casablanca. It became ''their song,'' as in the film the
soundtrack to a romance doomed by world events.

José could not believe his good fortune, when Gloria said yes.

''I was shy, and I thought she was too much for me,'' he says. ``She was
beautiful in every sense. I never thought I could reach her.''

On the eve of their June 1949 wedding, José told Gloria: ' `You must
keep in mind, for me, country is first.' Have you ever heard a man tell
that to a woman he is about to marry, instead of how much he loves her?
Crazy . . . but it got in her ear, so when difficult times came, she
never complained or raised any objection.''

When I was arrested, she never backed away.''

José, who had studied agronomy at the University of Havana, took his
urbanite bride to the country: a 230-acre dairy farm east of the city,
home to 180 Holstein and Jersey cows, assorted pigs and chickens -- for
which Gloria had an affinity.

''She developed a love for birds, for the freedom they represented,''
said son Victor Pujals, a Coral Gables engineer. ``In her house, there
was a [toy] caged bird with the door always open.''

Victor came along in 1950, followed by sisters Gloria in 1952 and
Beatriz -- ''Be'' -- in 1953, all born to an idyllic life divided
between the farm and grandparents' homes in Havana.

''I had my own horse and a saddle with my initials on the back,'' Victor
recalls.

In 1952, José met Fidel Castro through a close friend. At the time,
Castro was planning his attack on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de
Cuba, which failed in 1953.

Although they shared a fierce opposition to then-President Fulgencio
Batista, José soon realized he had serious philosophical differences
with Castro and could never support his goals.

In 1960 and '61, the Pujals sent their children to José's sister and
brother-in-law in Fort Lauderdale.

The children would grow into adulthood -- and become parents themselves
-- before seeing their mother and father again.

José knew by staying in Cuba he was in jeopardy. Still, when he had the
chance to remain in Florida during his last trip in '61, he declined.
That would have meant leaving Gloria and her mother behind, which was
unthinkable.

FIGHTING CASTRO

Besides, he was coordinating groups opposed to Castro.

That August, Gloria and José were arrested, one day apart. Gloria was
taken to the Havana headquarters of G2, Castro's secret service. She was
held without charge for three months.

''There was no communication'' between Gloria and José, said Victor.
``They were going to put her away for 20 years and take him to the
firing squad.''

During interrogations, she was subject to ''psychological pressure'' to
reveal her husband's activities, Victor said.

``One time her mother went by and they wouldn't tell her anything, but a
guard took pity on her and moved my mother from one room to another so
my grandmother could see she was alive.''

When she was released, Gloria learned that José and 47 other When she
was released, Gloria learned that José and 47 other men and women would
go on trial for their lives. Through connections at the Mexican embassy,
she and a well-known aunt of José's were able to get Mexico's president
to intercede.

Instead of death, José got 30 years. Transferred 22 times among seven
prisons, he was a plantado -- a political prisoner.

Gloria lost everything but supported herself by managing a tiny
laboratory that went unmolested by the government because diplomats used it.

But her main task ''was trying to maintain my father's sanity,'' Victor
said. ``She knew we were in good care here and that my father would have
been left alone there.''

Added Jose: ''She married `for good or for worse, and the ``worse''
came. Many people think, 'Poor Gloria,' but when you devote your life to
something that goes beyond your own self-interest, that life takes on a
new view.''

Her attitude was: '`Let's live this day and don't have concern for
tomorrow,' because then you get crazy,'' José said. ``You lose your
mind. That's what kept [up] her spirit.''

The lab was next to a convent that Mother Teresa visited in 1986. Gloria
approached her, asking that she seek Jose's freedom while meeting with
Castro.

Instead, Mother Teresa prayed that Jose ''will be released in heavenly
terms. She was going to a higher authority,'' Jose joked.

Her prison visits buoyed not just José but fellow plantados, among them
Ernesto Diaz, who now heads Alpha 66, the militant, Miami-based
anti-Castro group.

''She was always ``She was always supporting us,'' said Diaz, who called
Gloria Pujals ``a great lady. She took care of him in prison for more
than 25 years. She wanted to stay because it helped him with morale and
spiritual support, and they were very much in love.''

For a time in the 1970s, José was locked up in La Cabaña, Havana's
waterfront fortress prison, permitted to exercise on the roof once a week.

HIDDEN HELLOS

Gloria -- in a bright red dress -- would drive to the opposite shore and
pretend to wave to ships' passengers, but she was really waving to her
husband, who waved by doing jumping jacks.

''How much [of a burden] she took on for herself, nobody can answer,''
José said. Someone once told her, 'You are courageous without knowing
it.' ''

Victor remembers the frustration of trying to keep in touch with his mother.

``I would try to call her once a month. You had to wait and wait and it
was hit or miss.''

In 1981, she came to Florida on a three-month visa. Leaving was so
traumatic that she vowed she'd never come again without her husband.

That would take another seven years, most of which he spent in solitary
at the notorious Boniato prison. Through the efforts of U.S.
human-rights activists, José Pujals was freed from Combinado del Este
prison.

He told the warden: ``Neither you nor Castro is going to take me. I will
call my wife who has been waiting 27 years and 22 days and tell her to
pick me up.''

She did, in the ancient Peugeot she used as an unofficial taxi. Within
hours, the two were on a chartered plane headed for West Palm Beach. It
was Aug. 30, 1988.

Part of the deal, said Victor, was a low-key arrival in South Florida.

''Mom looked glorious'' in a beige-and-white striped dress, Victor
remembers.

The Pujals ultimately settled in Tallahassee, where their daughters
live. José worked for the state attorney general's office and Gloria
worked part-time in retail.

In 2003, she was diagnosed with the disease that slowly took her life.

Still, said her husband, ``these last five years when she was sick were
the most happy years of my life. She became my everything -- mi todo --
my love, my heaven. She liked it.''

Saturday, she was buried next to her mother-in-law in Fort Lauderdale --
in the dress she wore leaving Cuba.

In addition to her husband, son, daughters Gloria Pullen and Be
Whitfield, Gloria Pujals is survived by sister Olga Bufill, brother
Felipe Lizama, and seven grandchildren.

http://www.miamiherald.com/511/story/450417.html

Cuba's generals to set to shape economic future

CUBA
Cuba's generals to set to shape economic future
With the promotions of some of Cuba's top men in uniform, Cuba's
military is expected to play a significant role in future economic reforms.
BY FRANCES ROBLES
frobles@MiamiHerald.com

As he climbed up the ranks of Cuba's armed forces, it was years before
Julio Casas Regueiro could shake the reputation that he was being
promoted because of who he knew -- not what.

Casas wasn't a good military man, one of his former bosses said, but
with promotions from a friend in high places -- then-Defense Minister
Raúl Castro -- he eventually proved to be a great logistician and
business manager.

And now he is Cuba's new defense minister and vice president, moving up
after Castro was elected the island's president Feb. 24. He'll not only
be leading Cuba's armed forces but is also expected to apply his
business acumen to the country's ailing economy.

Castro's decision to surround himself with Casas and three other
generals at the top level of government underscores the vast trust that
the new president has in his military buddies, experts say. And while
the armed forces are unlikely to take on any more major business
initiatives -- that would hardly be possible -- the generals are
expected to become the masterminds of efficiency-minded plans to boost
the island's economy.

Cuba's 55,000 member Revolutionary Armed Forces is already in charge of
most of the business sectors, including hotels and domestic airlines.
With its top leaders now in some of the nation's highest positions of
power, its role in a post-Fidel Cuba is likely to be reinforced, experts
added.

Casas' promotion as one of five vice presidents in the ruling Council of
State is a prime example.

''Casas Regueiro was always considered someone who was somewhere he
should not be -- someone who got there through friendship,'' said José
Quevedo, a former general who now lives in Miami. ``Eventually, he
became the person who took advantage of military discipline for use in
business, and that showed results.

``He's more a businessman than soldier.''

MASTER OF LOGISTICS

Casas and Castro became close friends in the 1950s, when both were
members of Fidel Castro's ragtag army of guerrillas fighting to topple
Fulgencio Batista. Casas founded the rebel army's Sixth Column and the
National Police after the revolution's triumph in 1959. He participated
in the Bay of Pigs and later became the military's point man for logistics.

''He worked brilliantly,'' Raúl Castro said when he announced the
appointment. ``He [stood out] in a phase of the Air Force when we had a
vacuum and no one to name.''

Quevedo -- who was Casas' boss at one point -- said the now-72-year-old
distinguished himself managing logistics.

''He was repudiated by most of his own men,'' Quevedo said. ``Then the
economics of the armed forces was in his control, and he developed
purely logistical experience at the highest level. He's good at that.''

A former head of Cuba's Eastern Army -- one of the three main regional
divisions -- Casas was also first vice minister of defense. A veteran in
Cuba's involvement in Ethiopia, he is also a member of the Communist
Party's Political Buro and a member of the National Assembly since 1981.
He's been on the Council of State's central committee since 1998.

''I have criticized practically all the Armed Forces generals,'' Castro
told the Assembly.

``I do not recall having made a criticism in these past 50 years of
comrade Julio Casas, except that he is very stingy. But that's where he
gets his economic success.''

True enough: the former banker is credited with the Armed Forces'
so-called ''business perfection plan.'' He sent top military officers to
study hotel management and accounting abroad to bring home a sense of
efficiency and business expertise to the armed forces.

Soon, the FAR was not just running troops. Under Casas, the military
formed GAESA, the holding company that runs up to 60 percent of Cuban
state companies, including hotels, airlines and retail outfits.

His No. 2 in the company was Col. Luis Alberto Rodríguez, Raúl Castro's
son-in-law.

AN ECONOMIC FORCE

In a post-Soviet Cuba, the severely shrunk and equipment-short FAR is
not the military power it once was, but a money machine that's still one
of the government's most respected institutions.

Military enterprises now control an estimated 90 percent of the nation's
exports and 60 percent of its tourism revenue, and employ 20 percent of
state workers. Generals are in charge of several ministries, including
sugar and fisheries, and young conscripts work agricultural fields to
boost production.

Somewhere in Cuba, Raúl Castro said , there's a signed legal document
citing Casas as the only person with the right to veto the new
president's economic decisions.

''If you look at Casas Regueiro, he has played a role in every
state-owned enterprise -- tourism, agriculture, retail,'' said Dan
Erikson, a Cuba expert at the InterAmerican Dialogue in Washington, D.C.
``He's known to be tight-fisted in a penny-pinching sense in his
managerial style. He did a relatively good job in running a system that
by design is going to be inefficient and unproductive.''

Casas' business experience is critical, because Castro's chief task as
head of state is to save the nation's ailing economy. Cubans are growing
increasingly frustrated because of high prices and low salaries, and are
eager to see changes that would allow them more control over their
economic destinies.

''If there is an economic opening, the military will play a role in
that,'' Erikson said.

Castro has suggested that the solution to boosting Cuba's production and
economy is by relaxing some of the bureaucratic regulations that stifle
growth. But when he named old-timers to top positions of power, many
experts said it was a signal that reform is a long way off.

Besides Casas, Castro also promoted old-timers José Ramón Machado
Ventura, 77, as first vice president and Interior Minister Gen. Abelardo
Colomé, 68, to second vice president.

Western Army Gen. Leopoldo Cintra Frias and Alvaro López Miera, head of
the joint chiefs, were also named to the council. In a column published
last week, Fidel Castro said their appointments were his suggestion and
not a result of Raúl Castro's ``militaristic tendencies.''

But some say their appointments could just be a sign that Raúl Castro is
looking to spread that military efficiency and discipline to other
aspects of the economy.

Castro probably deliberately surrounded himself with military loyalists
so he could implement reforms in the context of socialism, said Hal
Klepak, a professor of military and war studies at the Royal Military
College of Canada who has studied and taught in Cuba.

''Casas Regueiro was the architect of military reform -- this is a sign
that the economy will be taken a bit more seriously,'' Klepak said.

``This is the man who sent military officers to Spain for MBAs. But he
is not going to upset the apple cart. The FAR's role is to hold the
reins while the politicians sort things out.

``If the reforms threaten the revolution, they will not be implemented.''

http://www.miamiherald.com/540/story/448226.html

EU official in Cuba to improve relations

EU official in Cuba to improve relations
Posted on Fri, Mar. 07, 2008
By WILL WEISSERT
Associated Press Writer

HAVANA --
The European Union's top development aid official met with Cuba's
foreign minister on Friday as part of an effort to improve chilly
relations with the communist government under new President Raul Castro.

Louis Michel's four-day mission was planned before last month's official
hand-over of power from 81-year-old Fidel Castro to his younger brother.
It is the first high-level visit of an EU official since 2005.

Michel's meeting with Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque extended well
past the scheduled 90 minutes and there was no immediate word on what
was discussed.

Michel's spokesman, John Clancy, has said the European Commission wants
to see "the resumption of an open and constructive political dialogue"
with Cuban leaders.

Though he has been official head of state for less than two weeks, the
76-year-old Raul Castro has run the government since Fidel underwent
emergency intestinal in July 2006. The EU's 27 governments last year
asked Raul Castro to restart regular bilateral talks, and Clancy said
the first new Cuban leader in nearly half a century "constitutes a new
situation."

Cuba responded to Europe's olive branch by inviting Michel to the
island, though it has remained hesitant to take steps to improve
relations, which soured in 2003 when the EU imposed diplomatic sanctions
after authorities here imprisoned 75 dissidents and independent
journalists. Cuba's government accused them of working with the United
States to undermine the government.

Cuban authorities released 16 on medical parole and four others were
freed into forced exile in Spain last month, but 55 remain behind bars.

In January 2005, the EU suspended the sanctions, restoring diplomatic
relations and ending its ban on talks with Cuban officials. But it also
asked Havana to release political prisoners and grant freedom of
expression and information to its citizens, and said it would continue
supporting dissidents and government critics.

In a statement last summer, Perez Roque's office made it clear Cuba
won't formally negotiate improve relations until the EU totally scraps
the sanctions.

It added that the EU's call for dialogue only after Havana makes
improvements in human rights "meddles, in a slanderous way, in strictly
internal Cuban affairs, making judgments and announcing unjust and
hypocritical acts that Cuba considers offensive and unacceptable and
rejects completely."

Spain is leading efforts to improve relations with Havana, while
countries including Britain, the Czech Republic, Poland and Sweden have
been more guarded.

Cuba is accused of violating human rights and basic liberties by jailing
government critics and limiting speech, Internet access, travel and
media freedoms. The government claims it respects human rights more than
most nations by offering a wide social safety net that includes a food
ration program and free health care and education. It dismisses
outspoken critics and dissidents as U.S. "mercenaries."

http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/AP/story/447994.html

The museum of Marxism

CUBA
The museum of Marxism
Posted on Thu, Mar. 06, 2008
By GEORGE F. WILL
georgewill@washpost.com

The letter from a 12-year-old to ''my good friend Roosvelt'' is dated
Nov. 6, 1940, one day after FDR won a third term. Saying he is ''very
happy'' FDR won, he adds: ''If you like, give me a ten dollars bill
green american.'' The letter, an enlarged copy of which is on display in
the National Archives, ends: ``Good by. Your friend, Fidel Castro.''

Young Castro with his hand out prefigured his role in political history.
Until its spell was broken, Marxism mesmerized millions by promising to
solve mankind's economic problem -- abundance without the alienation
caused by work, the French word for which is travail. Instead, Castro
created mendicant Marxism, making Cuba dependent on huge subventions
from the Soviet Union, which paid eight times the market price for
sugar, and in the process purchased young Cuban men to fight in various
``wars of liberation.''

His departure cures nothing

When Russia withdrew its aid, Cuba's economy quickly shrank 35 percent,
more than the U.S. economy contracted (26.5 percent) in the Depression.
Cuba under communism had to import sugar. Today, Hugo Chávez's Venezuela
provides $4 billion of oil to a Cuba with a GDP of $45 billion.

The departure, if such it really is, of Castro, the weird uncle in the
island's attic, cures nothing. Cuba's affliction remains: It is
Castroism, which is communism colored by Bonapartism. Communism of any
stripe is afflicted by terminal ignorance. Having no market, which is an
information-generating mechanism, communism cannot know what things
should cost.

Hence communism's amazing contribution to humanity's economic history is
''value-subtraction'' -- products worth less than the materials that go
into them. That result is seriously inconvenient for Marxism's labor
theory of value -- the theory that labor adds all value to the world's
materials.

Castro's career, although calamitous for Cubans, has provided
entertaining farce through its effect on Western political pilgrims
seeking leftist saviors. Joseph Goebbels called the Nazi regime
''ennobled democracy,'' the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo called
his ``neo-democracy.''

In 1960, the second of Castro's 49 years as warden of Cuba as prison,
Jean-Paul Sartre, existentialist and Stalinist, published an enraptured
book about Castro's democracy. Sartre marveled at what he called
Castro's ''direct democracy'' as demonstrated when, at a roadside stand,
Castro and Sartre were served warm lemonade.

`Without illusion'

Castro got hot. The tepid drink, he said, ''reveals a lack of
revolutionary consciousness.'' The waitress, Sartre reported, shrugged
and said the refrigerator was broken. Castro ''growled'' (Sartre's
approving description), ''Tell your people in charge that if they don't
take care of their problems, they will have problems with me.'' Sartre,
deeply stirred, wrote:

'This was the first time I understood -- still quite vaguely -- what I
called `direct democracy.' Between the waitress and Castro, an immediate
secret understanding was established. She let it be seen by her tone,
her smiles, by a shrug of her shoulders, that she was without illusion.''

Norman Mailer, the novelist, and Oliver Stone, embodiment of Hollywood
progressives in heat, had illusions galore. In 1960, when Castro came to
Manhattan, Mailer wrote of white horses: ''One felt life in one's cold
overargued blood. . . . It was as if the ghost of Cortes had appeared in
our century riding Zapata's white horse.'' Just a few years ago, Stone,
a slow learner, advised: ``We should look to (Castro) as one of the
Earth's wisest people.''

In the wise man's prisons -- according to Armando Valladares' memoir of
22 years in them (Against All Hope) -- some doors are welded shut and
prisoners are fed watery soup sometimes laced with glass, or dead rats,
or half a cow's intestine, rectum included, containing feces.

Absence of freedom

In 2003, the wise man's pulverizing police state, always struggling to
reduce Cuba's civil society to a dust of individuals, sentenced 75
democracy advocates, after one-day secret trials, to sentences of up to
28 years in those prisons. Pilgrims praising Cuban healthcare call to
mind Pat Moynihan's acerbic observation that when travel to China was
liberalized, many visitors seemed more impressed by the absence of flies
than by the absence of freedom.

Castro has ruled Cuba during 10 U.S. presidencies and longer than the
Soviet Union ruled Eastern Europe. The Economist has called him ''a
Caribbean King Lear.'' Raging on his island heath, with nothing to
celebrate except his endurance, his creativity has come down to this: He
has added a category to the taxonomy of world regimes -- government by
costume party. Useful at last, the Comandante, dressed for success in
his military fatigues, presides over a museum of Marxism.

http://www.miamiherald.com/851/story/445818.html

Same old guard pulling the strings

CUBA
Same old guard pulling the strings
Posted on Thu, Feb. 28, 2008
BY MARIFELI PEREZ-STABLE
mps_opinion@comcast.net

What happened in Havana on Sunday reminded me of Moscow in the early
1980s. After Leonid Brezhnev's passing, two old men -- first, the more
open-minded Yuri Andropov, then the mummified Konstantin Chernenko --
ruled the Soviet Union. Not until 1985 did the youthful Mikhail
Gorbachev take the Kremlin's reins. The rest is history.

In retrospect, it wasn't that surprising. Given the Castro brothers'
obsession with ''unity'' and control, political reforms -- even within
official Cuba's limited confines -- are rare. The last time they
''opened up'' a bit was in the early 1990s when, for example, direct
elections to the National Assembly were first held, and the Constitution
was modified to loosen somewhat the state's economic control.

Still, I expected a mixed bag, not an unequivocally conservative Council
of State. Understandably, Raúl incorporated men he trusts. For decades,
now first vice president José Ramón Machado Ventura has been by his
side, the Communist Party's fixer of last resort. Gen. Julio Casas
Regueiro, promoted to vice president and to Raúl's old post as defense
minister, has overseen the military's considerable economic holdings. So
much for the under-60 generations, at least for now. No country for
young men, noted a European diplomat.

Indifferent, frustrated

My disappointment is inconsequential. What Cubans on the island felt
when the old guard was reaffirmed is not. The under-60 crowd within the
elite is still waiting. Proposed constitutional amendments to allow
different individuals to preside over the Councils of State and
Ministers -- Raúl assumed both -- fell by the wayside. Ordinary Cubans
are seemingly indifferent or frustrated.

All the same, let's not rush to final judgment. A new Council of
Ministers hasn't been named yet and probably won't be until the end of
2008. In his inaugural speech, Raúl announced a state reorganization to
streamline the bureaucracy and cut the red tape. He addressed sensitive
economic issues such as food production and the grossly devalued peso.
Noteworthy as well was his mention of the libreta, the ration book
whereby Cubans of all income levels purchase subsidized goods. Cuban
economists have long criticized the libreta's absurdity.

Is Fidel still pulling the strings? While the easiest answer is a
categorical Yes, I wouldn't accept at face value Raúl's request to the
National Assembly that he be allowed to seek his brother's advice on
important matters. It could mean that the elder Castro will still wield
a veto, or it could be a public massage of his uncontainable ego.

Undoing nearly five decades of mostly one-man rule is no easy matter. By
streamlining the bureaucracy, Raúl hopes to imprint his style --
institutional and orderly -- which means allowing ministers to be
ministers. No more parallel networks that Fidel used to supervise the
ministries, the National Assembly, the party or whatever struck his
fancy. On Sunday, Raúl was emphatic about la institucionalidad, the
importance of institutions.

Even under a reinforced old guard, Cuba has started to move away from
the Comandante. Raúl and his inner circle of mostly military men will
not brook a political opposition, but more voices will be heard from
within the elite. The Council of State and the National Assembly might
live up to their constitutional mandates. The Communist Party will
continue to set policy, only now in more institutional, orderly fashion.
The party congress that Fidel long refused to convene will likely happen
soon. Raúl should then take over from his brother as general secretary.

Unintended consequences

More prickly is the economy, where almost any reform, however modest, is
a substantive move from Fidel's recalcitrance. Yet, there's no way out
but through the market, even at a snail's pace. The peso, for instance,
will not gain in value without improving economic productivity, which,
in the end, requires sustained respect for the market.

One step at a time was Sunday's message. Only results must be in
evidence quickly for expectations have too often been raised and
deflated. Cuban blogger Yoaní Sánchez characterized the old guard as
dwelling in a bucólico letargo. Better lethargic change than suffer the
old Soviet Union's fate, their thinking probably goes. Are they really
so confident that things will forever go on as usual? It'd be poetic
justice if their conservatism quickened the pace of events. Unintended
consequences could be pesky indeed.

Marifeli Pérez-Stable is vice president for democratic governance at the
Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, D.C., and a professor at Florida
International University.

http://www.miamiherald.com/851/story/436608.html

Rights group calling for Cuba to free 55 prisoners

Rights group calling for Cuba to free 55 prisoners
By ANITA SNOW | The Associated Press
March 19, 2008

HAVANA - International human rights and journalism advocacy groups
called Tuesday on President Raul Castro's government to free critics
still serving long sentences five years after a broad crackdown that
landed 75 people behind bars.

"It is time for Cuba to release these prisoners immediately and without
conditions," said Matt Easton, of the New York-based Human Rights First,
in a news release. "The world is waiting to see whether Cuba is really
ready for change, or only going through the motions."

The Committee to Protect Journalists focused on the 20 independent
journalists among the 55 still held. Carlos Lauria, committee
representative for the Americas, called for the journalists' release
during a news conference in Madrid, attended by Cuban writer Raul Rivero.

Rivero was among 16 people in the original group of 75 who were released
early on medical parole. Another four in the group were released into
forced exile in Spain last month.

Cuban officials defended the March 18, 2003, crackdown, saying they
needed to protect the nation from "mercenaries." The 75 were later tried
and sentenced to prison terms of up to 28 years. The activists were
accused of working with the United States to undermine Castro's
government, charges they denied.

Since Raul Castro assumed the presidency from his ailing brother Fidel,
81, last month, Cuba has signed two international treaties on civil and
political rights and the number of political prisoners counted by human
rights groups has edged lower.

"Cuba's decision to commit publicly to human rights principles is
welcome, but the continued imprisonment of these activists says much
more about Cuba's intentions than the signing of any documents," Easton
said.

The U.S. State Department issued its own call for the release of all
prisoners of conscience on the island. "The Cuban people deserve real
change and the opportunity to join a dialogue about their country's
future free from fear," said deputy spokesman Tom Casey.


http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-flacuba0319sbmar19,0,6819432.story

Bill would keep Cuban-trained doctors from practicing in Florida

Bill would keep Cuban-trained doctors from practicing in Florida
Associated Press
4:23 PM EDT, March 18, 2008

Americans who get their medical degree in Cuba wouldn't be allowed to
practice medicine in Florida under a bill discussed by the House Health
Quality Committee.

The panel didn't vote on the bill (HB 685) but could as early as next week.

The measure is aimed at students who accept scholarships from the Cuban
government to attend the Latin American School of Medical Sciences in
Havana.

About 150 American students are currently enrolled in the school and
would be affected, according to information provided to the committee by
the bill sponsor, Rep. Eddy Gonzalez, R-Hialeah.

According to the information provided by Gonzalez, eight American
students have graduated from the school and are currently practicing in
the United States, but none are working in Florida. Since no graduates
of the program have Florida medical licenses, the bill would only affect
those graduates who try to become licensed here in the future.

The scholarship program, coordinated by an organization called the
Interreligious Foundation for Community Organization, takes advantage of
an exception in the U.S. embargo of Cuba for educational programs. The
scholarships are open to Americans who go to Cuba for a 6-year medical
school program and then agree to return to the United States to practice
medicine in poor or underserved communities in the United States.

If the measure were to pass, Florida would be the first U.S. state to
bar graduates of the program from practicing medicine here.

INFRASTRUCTURE NEEDS

Lawmakers can't let current budget problems keep them from adequately
maintaining the state's roads, bridges and other infrastructure, a group
of engineers said.

Florida will need to spend $200 billion over the next 20 years to
maintain and improve its deteriorating infrastructure, according to a
report by the American Society of Civil Engineers.

The report gave the state letter grades in 11 different categories, with
an overall grade of C for the state's infrastructure. Bridges received
the highest grade with a B+, followed by wastewater systems with a B-.
The worst grades went to schools and energy, which both received a D+.

``Much of our infrastructure is sliding toward failure, and the prospect
for any real improvement is grim,'' said Fraser Howe, a board member for
the society's Florida chapter. ``If we treated our homes like we treat
our infrastructure, we'd all be living in 50-year-old block bungalows on
the verge of collapse.''

The state is underfunding its infrastructure and needs to develop a
major, long-term funding program, said Rep. Stephen Precourt, R-Orlando.
Possible funding sources could be an increase in gas taxes or a tax
based on the number of miles driven per year.

On the Net: Florida Legislature: http://www.leg.state.fl.us/

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0318cuba-medschool,0,6560823.story

Fidel Castro says idea that Cubans involved with Colombian rebels 'stupid'

Fidel Castro says idea that Cubans involved with Colombian rebels 'stupid'
The Associated Press
March 17, 2008

HAVANA (AP) _ - Former President Fidel Castro said it is ``stupid'' to
think Cubans were involved with Colombian rebels whose camp was bombed
in a cross-border raid in Ecuador early this month.

In a statement released Saturday, the 81-year-old dismissed allegations
reportedly being investigated by Mexican authorities that Cubans were
linked to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC.

"The stupid intention to mix Cubans in this matter is very clear,''
Castro said in the statement, which Foreign Ministry officials sent by
e-mail to international journalists in Havana.

Some Mexican and international media have reported that officials were
looking into whether Mario Dagoberto Diaz Orgaz, a naturalized Mexican
citizen and engineering research professor in central Mexico, is a Cuban
intelligence agent who helped Mexicans connect with FARC guerrillas. The
reports suggested Diaz may have led the students to Ecuador.

Diaz's attorney has denied his client has ties to the rebels.

Some recent reports have also suggested that Cuban medical students were
involved with the FARC, an idea that Castro called a ``lie concerning
the possible presence of our medical students in this distant Colombian
jungle.''

The March 1 attack on the FARC camp killed top rebel leader Raul Reyes
and 24 others, triggering a diplomatic crisis during which Ecuador and
Venezuela sent troops to their Colombian borders. Five Mexican
university students are believed to have been at the camp during the attack.

Fidel's younger brother, Raul Castro, took over the presidency last month.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0317castrorebels,0,1560548.story

13 Cuban immigrants rescued on Puerto Rican island

13 Cuban immigrants rescued on Puerto Rican island
The Associated Press
March 17, 2008


San Juan, Puerto Rico - Thirteen Cuban immigrants were brought to
mainland Puerto Rico on Saturday after authorities discovered them on
Isla Mona in this U.S. Caribbean territory.

The six women and seven men were in good condition, Environmental
Secretary Javier Velez Arocho said. Under the ``wet foot, dry foot''
policy, they will be allowed to stay on U.S. soil and apply for
residency after one year.

The U.S. Coast Guard detected the boat and detained two men believed to
be Dominicans who served as captains, Velez said.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0317cubapr,0,3481540.story

Cuban oil rigs could be built 45 miles off South Florida

Cuban oil rigs could be built 45 miles off South Florida
By Doreen Hemlock
Havana Bureau
March 17, 2008
Havana, Cuba

Imagine oil rigs drilling in deep waters just 45 miles off the coast of
South Florida. Refineries process the oil in Cuba and sell it across the
Caribbean and beyond. Canadian and Mexican companies supply billions of
dollars in equipment and services.

This could happen, as Havana is inviting foreign companies to explore
its probable oil and natural gas reserves while Washington's embargo
against the communist-led island keeps U.S. companies locked out.

South Florida is watching closely amid debate over drilling near its
shores and concerns about U.S. energy policy. Oil companies increasingly
seek to tap Cuba's deep-water reserves now that oil prices are soaring
and profits are more likely.

"In 34 years following Cuba, I've never seen an issue like this — so
strategically important to the United States," said Kirby Jones,
president of Washington-based Alamar Associates, who advises U.S.
companies on Cuba and opposes the U.S. embargo.

Cuba is courting oil investors to slash its dependence on foreign fuels.
The cash-strapped island can't afford to import all it needs, especially
with today's oil prices topping $100 a barrel. The island long relied on
the Soviet Union for subsidized oil and now depends on cheap supplies
from Venezuela that it pays for with services from its doctors and other
professionals.

Havana began opening to foreign investment in the early 1990s after the
loss of Soviet aid, and Cuba now produces almost half the oil and
natural gas it consumes. It drills mainly for heavy crude on or near
shore with help from Canadian companies.

But the big prize lies in deep-water reservoirs miles off the north
shore in the Gulf of Mexico. By some estimates, the area holds almost as
much oil and natural gas as the coveted Arctic National Wildlife Refuge
in Alaska — enough to meet Cuban demand for years.

Havana is forging deals with companies from Norway, Malaysia, India,
Vietnam, Spain and other nations to explore dozens of its 59 deep-water
blocks. Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva visited in January
to seal contracts for Petrobras, the global leader in deep-water drilling.

Analysts say it will take several more years and hundreds of millions of
dollars for the companies to figure out where to drill in waters often a
mile deep.

But if the pieces fall into place, offshore rigs could be working by
2012 not far from South Florida, said Jonathan Benjamin-Alvarado, a Cuba
energy specialist at the University of Nebraska in Omaha who has visited
the island many times.

"Cuba also could become a transshipment point for oil, refined products
and exports for the region," Benjamin-Alvarado said.

U.S. Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., aims to head off those possibilities and
keep drilling far from Florida shores. In a long-shot move, he seeks to
scrap a 31-year-old accord that splits the 90 miles of water between the
United States and Cuba and to redraw the boundaries.

"Soon, there could be oil rigs within 50 miles of the Florida Keys and
the Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary," Nelson wrote the Bush
administration in late January, after Brazil's president met then-Cuban
leader Fidel Castro. "And, as the Gulf Stream flows, an oil spill or
other drilling accident would desecrate part of Florida's unique
environment and devastate its $50 billion tourism-driven economy."

Today, U.S. companies are the only ones banned from Cuba under terms of
Washington's 45-year-old embargo. All other nations trade with the
island, the Caribbean's largest.

The American Petroleum Institute, representing U.S. oil industry
companies, long has rejected go-it-alone sanctions like the embargo on
Cuba. It seeks greater access to oil reserves worldwide, a spokeswoman
in Washington said.

Just four years ago, talk of Cuba becoming a serious producer of
deep-water oil seemed far-fetched.

In 2004, Spain's Repsol announced offshore finds but deemed oil samples
from Cuba not commercially viable.

But since then, oil prices have reached new inflation-adjusted highs and
the economics of oil have changed.

Furthermore, recent events in Venezuela have raised concerns about how
long President Hugo Chavez can keep up oil largesse to Cuba, now
estimated to top $2 billion a year.

Cubans worry that if Venezuela cuts off cheap oil they'll suffer
widespread blackouts as they did after the Soviet Union halted oil aid
in the early 1990s. Back then, with fuel in short supply and cash tight,
lights went out up to 16 hours a day and bicycles often replaced cars.

"The recent high-profile visit by Brazil's President Lula was a way to
show there's an alternative to Chavez, who can be so unpredictable,"
Cuban economist and political dissident Oscar Espinosa Chepe said at his
Havana home.

"But there's a downside. If those companies find oil offshore, it could
delay economic changes needed in Cuba," said Espinosa Chepe, explaining
that a more financially secure regime could tighten control. "When
Chavez started providing oil, Fidel rolled back market-oriented reforms."

Cuba still faces hurdles to exploit its huge north basin reserves,
estimated by the U.S. Geological Survey at 4.6 billion to 9.3 billion
barrels of oil and almost 1 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.

Deep-water rigs are in short supply worldwide and expensive to use,
sometimes $200,000 a day or more. Companies in Cuban waters also may be
banned from using some cutting-edge U.S. technology because of the U.S.
embargo. Older technologies could make exploration more expensive,
Benjamin-Alvarado said.

As plans proceed, analysts are figuring out which U.S. companies stand
to lose the most.

Big U.S. oil producers likely won't be shut out permanently, said Jorge
Piñon, former president of Amoco Latin America and now an energy fellow
at the University of Miami's Center for Hemispheric Policy.

Should the U.S. embargo on Cuba end, U.S. behemoths could swap some of
their holdings with partners elsewhere, such as PetroVietnam, for their
partners' assets in Cuba.

The big losers likely would be U.S. oil equipment and service companies,
such as Halliburton, which would need to get in early. They would be
shut out of mega-contracts to build refineries, pipelines, ports and
other basics. And their competitors, including Canadian and Mexican
companies familiar with the Gulf of Mexico area, would be supplying food
and other services to the oil industry, Piñon said.

For many Cubans, concerns over offshore oil are more immediate, however.

"If they find oil, things can get better," said Antonio Villar, 34,
taking a break from hauling trash in a tractor-pulled cart in Havana
province. "We could have more industry. The cost of living would go
down. And there'd be more food to eat, more variety of food."

Doreen Hemlock can be reached at dhemlock@sun-sentinel.com or 305-810-5009.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-flzcubaoil0317sbmar17,0,3674945.story

Cuba calls soccer desertions in Tampa a 'low blow'

Cuba calls soccer desertions in Tampa a 'low blow'
The Associated Press
March 15, 2008

Havana, Cuba - Cuba called the desertion of seven soccer players at the
Olympic qualifying tournament in the United States ``dishonorable'' and
a ``low blow'' on Friday.

The seven players left the team in Tampa, Fla., after their opening
match, a 1-1 draw with the United States on Tuesday night.

On Thursday night, the team started with 10 players when one was
suspended for a red card in the U.S, match, and lost to Honduras 2-0.

``After their brilliant performance against the United States ... Cuba's
Under-23 team suffered the desertion of seven members under the
protection of the Cuban Adjustment Act,'' read a short note in the
Communist Party daily Granma.

Entitled ``Low Blow for Cuban Soccer,'' the article noted that Cuba was
left significantly weakened against Honduras.

The Communist Youth Union newspaper Juventud Rebelde, the island's other
national daily, qualified the desertions as ``dishonorable.''

While Cuba hasn't officially identified the players, Jose Manuel
Miranda, Erlys Garcia Baro, Yenier Bermudez, Yordany Alvarez and Loanni
Prieto missed practice Wednesday and were absent against Honduras.
Yendry Diaz and Eder Roldan also missed the game, with Diaz telling ESPN
that the two players left the team Wednesday.

Under the Cold War-era Cuban Adjustment Act that provides special
protection to immigrants from the communist-run island, the United
States instituted a ``wet foot, dry foot'' policy that lets Cubans who
reach American soil remain in the country and apply for U.S. residency
after one year.

More articles

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0315cubasoccer,0,5238516.story

Wives of political prisoners demand Cuba release their husbands

Wives of political prisoners demand Cuba release their husbands
The Associated Press

Havana, Cuba - About two dozen women marched in Havana Friday to demand
the release of their husbands and other political prisoners ahead of the
fifth anniversary of a crackdown on dissent.

Of the 75 government critics arrested March 18-19, 2003, and given long
prison terms, 55 remain imprisoned. Sixteen were released early on
medical parole and another four were freed into forced exile in Spain
last month.

Next week's anniversary ``is very painful for us,'' said Laura Pollan of
the Ladies in White, a support group for wives of political prisoners.
Pollan's husband, Hector Maseda, was arrested and sentenced to 20 years.

Cuba accused the independent journalists, rights activists and other
opposition members of being U.S. mercenaries working to undermine the
communist government. The dissidents and American officials reject that
charge.

Cuba currently holds 234 prisoners of conscience, according to a report
early this year by the Havana-based Cuban Commission for Human Rights
and National Reconciliation.

That's down from 246 last June --continuing a decline since Raul Castro
took over provisionally for his ailing brother Fidel in July 2006, when
it listed 316.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0315cubadamas,0,6120326.story

Cuba's Communist Party encourages people to focus on hard work rather than luxuries

Cuba's Communist Party encourages people to focus on hard work rather
than luxuries
By Anita Snow | The Associated Press
March 15, 2008

Havana, Cuba - Cuba's leaders have a message for their people: Stop
dreaming and get to work.

Cubans are spending too much time waiting for reforms they hope will
bring luxuries such as electronics and trips, while what the country
needs to advance is the sweat of their brow, according to an editorial
in the ruling Communist Party newspaper Friday.

The editorial, penned by Granma newspaper director Lazaro Barredo,
appeared aimed at deflating expectations for change that have ballooned
since Raul Castro took over the presidency from his ailing brother Fidel
last month.

``I am worried that some people are waiting for the announcement of
specific measures that would immediately resolve household or spiritual
needs, or ones that would automatically lead to more consumption,''
Barredo wrote.

Many Cubans have interpreted Raul Castro's speeches to suggest that the
government will give people the right to buy computers, microwave ovens
and other electronics. Many also hope he will change a two-currency
system that leaves most Cubans with little buying power, and end
restrictions that make many tourist resorts off-limits to Cubans.

But Barredo wrote that without an improved economy, such changes cannot
be sustained.

``We can't expect more needs to be resolved if people don't work more,
if they don't produce more,'' he wrote, adding: ``Unfortunately, there
is a not-insignificant part of our society ... that wants to live
without working.''

The editorial implied that Cubans are unwilling to work to improve their
economic situation, said Cuba specialist Phil Peters of the Lexington
Institute, a pro-democracy think tank based outside Washington.

``I don't think the problem is that Cubans want to live better without
working for it,'' he said. ``The problem is that even by working hard,
Cubans cannot live because they are not paid enough to make a decent
living.''

When he replaced the 81-year-old Fidel as president on Feb. 24, Raul
Castro told people to expect that some of the ``excess of prohibitions
and regulations'' would be removed within weeks. He did not offer
specifics, but has said he wants to strengthen the peso, the currency
most Cubans earn.

Although Cubans buy subsidized goods and services with pesos, they need
convertible Cuban pesos-- which have 24 times the value --to buy things
like powdered milk, toilet paper and personal-care items.

No changes have been announced yet, but a document circulating among
foreign journalists in Cuba suggests the government plans to open the
sale of some electronic items. Currently, only foreigners and companies
are allowed to buy computers and many other electronics.

Lifting the ban would be largely symbolic, since most Cubans cannot
afford such electronics anyway.

The document, whose origin is unclear because it is not signed, dated or
addressed to anyone, says three stores in Havana will begin selling
television sets, electric pressure cookers, rice cookers, computers,
electric bicycles, car alarms and microwave ovens.

The government's official gazette, which publishes new decrees, had not
mentioned such a plan Friday. Several officials from the Interior
Commerce Ministry, which oversees retail sales on the island, said they
were unfamiliar with the memo.

The document states that beginning in April 2009, electric stoves with
one burner, electric frying pans, hot-water heaters, air conditioners
and electric shower heads will go on sale. Other items such as toasters
and deep fryers will be available in mid-2010, according to the memo.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0315cuba,0,5859125.story

Florida church groups expect continued restrictions on religion in Cuba

Florida church groups expect continued restrictions on religion in Cuba
By Rachel Zoll | The Associated Press
8:36 AM EST, March 7, 2008

In his first week as Cuba's new president, Raul Castro met with the
Vatican's No. 2 official, who said island leaders assured him they would
allow some Roman Catholic broadcasts on state-controlled media.

But U.S. Christian groups that have worked for years in Cuba don't
expect significant changes in the government's restrictions on religion
now that the younger Castro has succeeded his ailing brother Fidel.

Donald Hepburn of the Florida Baptist Convention, a Southern Baptist
group that has worked for more than a decade with Baptist churches in
western Cuba, said the convention's U.S. staff person just returned from
a visit to the island and heard little optimism there.

``From talking to our Baptist leadership, they don't believe there's
going to be any appreciable change in how the government deals with
religious groups,'' Hepburn said.

The Rev. Larry Rankin, director of mission and justice ministries for
the Florida Conference of the United Methodist Church, said, ``the
expectation is very low of any great change.'' Cuba's single-party,
communist government never outlawed religion, but expelled priests and
closed religious schools upon Fidel Castro's takeover of Cuba in 1959.

Tensions eased in the early 1990s when the government removed references
to atheism in the constitution and let believers of all faiths join the
Communist Party. Conditions improved again after Pope John Paul II's
visit to Cuba in 1998--the first to the island by a pope.

Still, the government has kept significant limits on religious life.

Mass evangelizing is banned. The government has withheld permission to
build new churches, requiring many Christians to meet instead in small
numbers inside homes or in crumbling buildings that predate the revolution.

In some cases, the island's leaders have moved to restrict the number of
congregations that can operate in the same neighborhood, Rankin said.
And the government-affiliated Cuban Council of Churches controls
distribution of religious literature imported to the island.

The visit last week of Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, Pope Benedict XVI's
secretary of state, was Raul Castro's first diplomatic meeting as head
of state. But the timing was coincidental: the trip had been scheduled
before Cuba's change in power to mark the 10th anniversary of John
Paul's visit.

``I don't envision very much change in the near term,'' said Antonios
Kireopoulos of the U.S. National Council of Churches, who had handled
international affairs for the council, which represents Protestant,
Anglican and Orthodox groups. ``We don't know how the new leadership
will play out.''

Yet even within the government limits, mission groups have been able to
undertake some projects in Cuba.

In some cases, church property that had been taken over immediately
after the revolution has been given back to the denominations. In
Havana, a wing of the Methodist church has been returned and the
government has given permission for a seminary to be built there, Rankin
said.

A Methodist mission team has traveled to Cuba every month or so to
finish the seminary, even though other Methodist mission groups were
already visiting the island regularly to repair some of the
denomination's 125 churches, Rankin said.

``I'm not trying to say all of a sudden the government is friendly,''
Rankin said. ``I just know that they're allowing the extra team to come
in and work on the seminary.''

The Florida Baptist Convention helps Cuban Baptists start new churches,
supports a Havana seminary and provides for retired pastors who have no
income, Hepburn said.

The more than 400 Cuban Baptist churches that work with the convention
have seen ``appreciable growth'' in recent years, Hepburn said.

There are no independent, definitive statistics on Cuban religious life.
However, in a population of around 11 million, it's believed that at
least 40 percent consider themselves Catholic, according to the U.S.
State Department's 2007 International Religious Freedom Report. Many
Christians also practice Santeria, an Afro-Cuban folk tradition that
fuses Catholicism with rituals handed down by West African slaves.

Baptists, although divided along denominational lines, are believed to
be the largest Protestant group, followed closely by Pentecostal
churches, such as the Assemblies of God, according to the report.
Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Anglicans and Methodists also have a
notable presence on the island.

In the coming months, Rankin said churches in the Florida Methodist
Conference will continue their regular trips to Cuba to help local
congregations, with no anticipation that they'll be allowed to expand
their humanitarian work anytime soon.

Still, Rankin, who lived in Cuba from 1951-1960, when his parents were
missionaries there, said it's impossible to predict how religious life
on the island will develop.

``The thing about Cuba is once you think you've got it all figured out,
it changes,'' Rankin said. ``It's an enigma.''

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0307cubareligion,0,5239744.story

Cuban Americans sue government over travel restrictions to Cuba

Cuban Americans sue government over travel restrictions to Cuba
The Associated Press
11:54 AM EST, March 7, 2008

Burlington, Vt. - A group of Cuban-Americans living in Vermont is suing
the federal government over its restrictions on traveling to Cuba to
visit family.

Four Vermonters filed a lawsuit Wednesday in U.S. District Court in
Burlington, claiming travel restrictions on Cuban-Americans violate
their civil rights.

Between 1996 and 2004, Cuban Americans could visit their homeland once a
year to see family without getting approval from the U.S. government.
But in 2004, the Bush administration made travel more restrictive,
limiting visits by Cuban-Americans to once every three years.

The lawsuit says the new rules make no exception for the death, illness,
birth or marriage of family members in Cuba.

In December, newly married Jared Carter and Yurisleidis Levya Mora, who
is a Cuban citizen and a legal permanent resident of the United States,
applied to the federal government to travel to Cuba to hold a wedding
ceremony for Mora's family, but were denied.

Mora was told she would have to wait three years after immigrating from
Cuba --until 2009 --to return. By that time, her aging grandparents
would not be able to attend their wedding, they said.

``The Supreme Court in numerous cases has upheld the right to family
privacy and familial relations,'' said Carter, a Vermont Law School
student who lives in Montpelier. ``We're saying if you want to visit
your mother who's in the hospital, you have a right to do it.''

The new restrictions also changed the definition of family members to
immediate family.

``This particular rule is unfair,'' Armando Vilaseca, who moved to the
U.S. in 1963, and wants to visit a terminally ill aunt, told The
Burlington Free Press for a story Thursday.

Mark Schneider, a New York attorney representing some of the plaintiffs,
said the government has not shown a justification for interfering with
families.

``There has to be some very, very important reason to restrict you from
visiting a relative,'' he said.

John Rankin, a spokesman for the Treasury Department, which must approve
the travel, would not comment on the lawsuit.

http://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/local/cuba/sfl-0307cubatravel,0,2088203.story

Castro’s Cuba was no place for a socialist like me

Castro's Cuba was no place for a socialist like me
Neil Clark
Wednesday, 20th February 2008

Neil Clark says that he went to Havana in search of a left-wing Utopia
and discovered instead an island fortress of poverty, corruption and
currency apartheid

It's a country where the vast majority live in poverty, while a tiny,
corrupt elite live in luxury. It's a place where, 14 years after South
Africa abolished apartheid, a form of it still operates. And it's a
country where you can be threatened with prison not just for criticising
the country's leadership, but also for querying a medical bill.

Welcome to Cuba, the 'socialist' paradise built by that great
egalitarian Fidel Castro, who after 49 years at the helm has finally
decided to hand over power — in the manner of a true democrat — to his
brother Raúl.

My wife and I, as unreconstructed paleo-lefties who support Clause Four,
free school meals and NHS dental provision, had long wanted to visit
Castro's Cuba. All the people whose views we respect had said that the
Caribbean island was a progressive model whose policies on education and
healthcare ought to be copied throughout the world. We went there last
April desperately wanting to like the place — after all, if George W.
Bush and other right-wing nasties hated Cuba so much, then the country
must be on the right tracks.

But we returned home terribly disillusioned. Neither of us had been to a
country which was so utterly decrepit.

Stay on the officially approved tourist trail round the newly renovated
streets of 'Old Havana' and you'd get the impression that Cuba was a
tropical version of Switzerland. There are smart restaurants, designer
shops and modern hotels. Wander a few streets away, however, and you'll
witness scenes of incredible dereliction. Dilapidated buildings with
wires hanging out, streets that haven't been resurfaced for more than 50
years, balconies that look like they're going to fall down at any
minute. In my travels in the Middle East and Asia, I've certainly
witnessed squalor, but nothing prepared me for the back streets of Havana.

The average wage in Cuba is a pitiful $17 a month. The monthly ration
which includes 283g of fish, 226g of chicken, ten eggs and 1.8kg of
potatoes is barely enough for a fortnight, meaning most Cubans need to
work the black market to stay alive. Things that we in Britain take
totally for granted — such as toilet paper, toothpaste and pens — are
luxury goods in Cuba. I'll never forget the look of joy from an old lady
when I handed her a couple of old marker pens and a coloured pencil.

For Fidel's chums, life is somewhat easier. Despite its calls for
further belt-tightening, the Cuban government last year ordered Series
1, 3 and 5 BMWs for all its ambassadors and a Series 5 model for Raúl
Castro, who had taken charge of the country after his brother's
hospitalisation.

The heartbreaking consequences of Cuba's currency apartheid were bought
home to my wife and I on a Saturday afternoon visit to Havana's Coppelia
'Ice Cream' park. To the right of the park gates was a long queue of
Cubans who had only Cuban pesos. They have to wait on average two hours
every weekend to get their weekly scoop of ice cream. On the left, there
was walk-in access to tourists and the lucky locals who had convertible
pesos. Fifty years on, the Cuban revolution has turned full circle in a
truly Orwellian fashion. Once again the locals find themselves excluded
from the best beaches in their country, as they were under Batista. And
prostitution, so rife in pre-revolutionary days, is back — the jineteras
being the only group of Cubans allowed to enter the new purpose-built
resorts.

US sanctions are routinely blamed by Cuba's defenders for the country's
plight. But while sanctions are harsh and morally indefensible, there's
little doubt that they have been used by the regime as a smokescreen to
cover up inefficiencies and corruption. Four years ago the head of the
country's largest tourism company, Cubanacan, was fired after millions
of dollars went missing — the loss only coming to light after all state
enterprises were ordered to transfer their US dollars into convertible
pesos.

The totalitarian nature of Castro's Cuba is no right-wing myth, but a
reality. And you don't have to be a political agitator to fall foul of
the authorities, as my wife and I discovered. We had been told by our
holiday rep that the hotel's resident nurse would administer free basic
medical care, but if we required the call-out services of a local
doctor, we'd have to pay. After a day's snorkelling I had a touch of
ear-ache, so I popped along to the nurse's office to ask if she had any
medication. The nurse was a man, who after the most cursory examination
of my ear pronounced that I had an infection which required antibiotics.
How much would the antibiotics cost, I asked. About £60, he replied. As
we were returning home later that day, I told him that I'd leave it till
I got back. 'Yes, but you still have to pay me £30 for this
consultation,' he replied. 'But the services of the nurse are free,' I
said. 'I'm a doctor,' he replied.

Furious at being taken for a ride, my wife and I refused to pay and
headed back to our room. But on trying to check out of the hotel later
that morning, we were astonished to be told by the receptionist that if
we did not settle the medical bill, she would 'call state security' and
we would be arrested. We would not be allowed out of the country —
'state security' would apprehend us at the airport. The 'doctor' then
reappeared to say that the rate — which had been set in stone — was
after all negotiable, and that he'd accept £25. Forced into the corner
and threatened with a night (at least) in a Cuban jail, we reluctantly
paid up. 'It's nothing more than theft,' I said to the 'doctor' as I
handed over the money. 'It doesn't go to me,' was his response. 'It goes
to the state.'

If the money from such scams really did go to the state — and towards
improving the lot of the Cuban people — I wouldn't have been so upset.
But I strongly suspect that a share of my £25 will go towards the next
fleet of BMWs for Castro's cronies.

After the stress of our final day in Cuba, my wife and I were hugely
relieved to leave the country. And when we were safely airborne, we both
reflected that if any country was in need of a revolution, it was Fidel
Castro's Cuba.

http://www.spectator.co.uk/the-magazine/features/514326/castroandx2019s-cuba-was-no-place-for-a-socialist-like-me.thtml
http://neilclark66.blogspot.com/2008/02/castros-cuba-was-no-place-for-socialist.html

Wednesday, March 19, 2008

Few big changes expected in Cuba

Few big changes expected in Cuba
Feb 24, 2008 1:00 PM

As the world watches and waits for signs of change in a Cuba without
Fidel Castro at the helm, few Cubans expect life to be different after a
new president is named on Sunday.

Castro, 81, announced his retirement this week after nearly five decades
of rule, citing the poor health that led him to provisionally hand power
to his brother Raul in July 2006.

Cuba's rubber-stamp National Assembly is expected to name Raul Castro as
president, ending the rule of the charismatic revolutionary who turned
Cuba into a one-party state and Soviet ally on the doorstep of the
United States.

Anti-Castro exiles and US President George W. Bush have led
international calls for democratic reform on the island since the
announcement. But in the streets of the capital Havana, the mood is more
of indifference than expectation.

"It's been the same for 50 years (and) there aren't going to be changes.
It's possible that they'll be some measures because Raul is different to
Fidel, but it won't be much," said Adela, 48, a vet, who asked not to
give her full name.

"There's a lot of disillusion, a lot of sadness. The people don't care,"
she added.

Since announcing he would step down, Castro has hit back at the foreign
calls for change.

Castro said in a newspaper article that reactions to his retirement,
including calls for "liberty" in Cuba, forced him to "open fire" again
on his ideological enemies.

"Change, change, change!'" they cried in chorus. I agree, 'change!' but
in the United States," he wrote in a column published by the Communist
Party daily Granma on Friday.

More than 70% of Cubans were born after Castro seized power as a bearded
revolutionary fighter in 1959, and many say they are sad to see him go
and relieved he will still be involved in political life to ensure a
smooth transition.

Absence

His long absence from public life since falling ill has given Cubans
time to get used to the idea that their leader would eventually be replaced.

Castro, who will retain heavy influence over Cuba as head of the
Communist Party, said he will soldier on defending his socialist views
by writing columns in the "battle of ideas." Many analysts think Raul
will be reluctant to advance reforms that dismantle his brother's vision
of an egalitarian society while he is still alive.

"Fidel represents balance ... Ever since he got sick, people have taken
it in their stride. It's true that people are calm, and also a little
sad," said taxi driver Miguel, 36, as he repaired his huge 1950s vintage
American car in the central Havana district of Vedado.

"People aren't ready for a drastic change ... We've been a bit trapped,
but change can be a mixed blessing," he added.

State-controlled media have devoted little air time to Sunday's historic
National Assembly meeting and it was business as usual in Havana's
thinly-stocked stores and street markets this week.

Cubans complain about their lack of buying power and many hunger for
more freedom to travel abroad and have Internet access.

Since taking charge 19 months ago, Raul Castro has fostered open debate
over the shortcoming of Cuba's state-run economy and some Cubans hope a
new president could address their complaints about low wages and
decrepit housing.

"Everyone talks about how a waiter earns more than a professional, that
young people don't want to study, that education is getting worse," said
the vet Adela.

"Everyone thinks (Raul) will have to respond ... after he takes power.
Many people have this hope."

http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/536641/1598330

Cuba Libre? It's still just a hope

Posted on Fri, Feb. 22, 2008


Annette John-Hall: Cuba Libre? It's still just a hope

By Annette John-Hall

Inquirer Columnist
If restaurateur Barry Gutin had his way, Fidel Castro would be long
gone, Cuba would be free and his ¡Oué Viva La Tradición! celebration
would still be going on at Cuba Libre Restaurant & Rum Bar, Gutin's Old
City ode to the forbidden island.

Castro's obit may be written, but don't run it till he's dead.

Though the ailing 81-year-old dictator stepped down this week, his
backup plan isn't exactly cause for celebration.

He officially handed down his unlimited power to dictator-in-waiting,
76-year-old little brother Raul, who's pretty much ruled Cuba since
Castro took ill almost two years ago.

Yet it feels like political change is in the air, on the island as well
as at home. But big news isn't automatically good news.

"This is a time when people are thinking a great deal about Cuba's
future - a time to reflect about what might happen," says Gutin, 52, who
is not Cuban but says that even as a kid growing up in the '60s, he was
captivated by the richness of Cuban culture, so much so that he opened
Cuba Libre eight years ago and another in Atlantic City.

Especially in the summer, his open-air restaurant evokes island heritage
- Latin music filling the street while guests dine on fried plantain,
seafood, rice and beans, and sip mint-filled mojitos.

You can almost imagine trade winds coming in off the Caribbean and
Arturo Sandoval's trumpet wailing on the balcony.

Thousands have signed the Freedom Book at his restaurant, which Gutin
started a year ago. He plans to deliver the book to the government when
democracy arrives.

Close community
Philadelphia's Cuban community is a small but tight-knit group of
professionals and working class, ranging from those who came over after
Castro's takeover in 1959, to others who arrived in the 1980 Mariel
Boatlift, to the newly immigrated. (Three sit on the board of the
Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.)

The way Philadelphia architect Mario Zacharjasz (pronounced
zack-a-RYE-is) sees it, the hope for his birthplace depends not only on
a new Cuban government but on a more progressive U.S. response.

"What are we embargoing for? Who are we protecting?" asks the
48-year-old Zacharjasz, who has lived here since graduating from Temple
over 20 years ago. "I don't think Cuba is a threat. The truth is, if our
trade would have been open, it would have been the beginning of the end
of Castro's regime."

Most on the island now were born long after the revolution. If trade had
been been allowed, it would have given new insights to the world beyond,
he says.

Zacharjasz's firm, PZ Architects L.L.C., designed the dreamy, open,
colonial space that is Cuba Libre, based in part on his family's
photographs. He has no personal memory of the island; his father, a
well-to-do textile owner, fled with his family to Puerto Rico in 1960,
when Mario was 2.

Carlos Eire remembers the Cuba of his youth all too well. The Yale
professor and author, whose memoir, Waiting for Snow in Havana, was last
year's One Book, One Philadelphia selection, doesn't believe that the
shift from one Castro to another will have any positive effect on a
people who are still oppressed, who live in abject poverty, and who
still suffer color, yes, color discrimination.

"I tried to get across in my book [which is banned in Cuba] that Cubans
are human beings, with the same hopes and aspirations. They long for the
same kinds of rights and it's terrible to have that taken away from you.

"It's not like everything was pretty before the revolution," he says.
"Cuba is just like the U.S. People are poor, there's crime and a corrupt
government.

"But even with all its flaws, the U.S. is better than most other places
in the world."

Eire and his brother were sent to Florida in 1962, when he was 11, his
parents determined that their children would grow up free to speak their
minds.

"I remember even the math problems were political," Eire recalls. "They
would read, 'Before the glorious revolution Mr. So-and-So used to pay
$30 to his scumbag landlord for rent.' I swear, it was like somebody
trying to steal your soul."

Eire, who says he has no desire to see Cuba again, was the first to sign
the Freedom Book at Cuba Libre.

In recent years, Zacharjasz and Gutin have traveled to Cuba on
humanitarian missions. And each time they, like the Canadian and
European tourists who flock there, see all of the island's promise -
along with all of the despair.

Free medical care and free education aren't free when freedom of speech
and freedom of choice are denied.

"It's a wonderful, wonderful culture with a lot of beautiful things. The
music, the people, the art," Zacharjasz says. "It's like a missing piece
to the puzzle of the Caribbean and South America. And it's a shame."

http://www.philly.com/inquirer/local/20080222_Annette_John-Hall__Cuba_Libre__Its_still_just_a_hope.html

Only death will diminish Castro's influence in Cuba

Only death will diminish Castro's influence in Cuba
02/23/2008

Dictators tend not to retire and Fidel Castro remains true to that
standard. The 81-year-old Cuban strongman this week announced his
retirement as president of Cuba, and that he would turn over the office
to his younger brother, Raoul, who is 76.

But Fidel Castro did not relinquish his chairmanship of the Cuban
Communist Party. It's pretty clear that only death will diminish his
influence. If he can avoid that in the immediate future, he will be
around to observe the inauguration of the 10th American president to
hold office during the tenure of his own grip on Cuba.

America's vision of Castro's Cuba largely is that of a place stuck in
time, perhaps best illustrated by photos of pre-revolution, 1950s-era
American automobiles that Cubans keep on the road.

Unfortunately, the United States is stuck with its own relic of the
1950s regarding Cuba, the trade embargo that long ago outlived its
usefulness.

It was imposed at the height of the Cold War, the late 1950s. Cuba was
an isolated Soviet outpost in that war; most of South America was mired
in government corruption and poverty, and global trade largely could be
defined by what countries around the world purchased from the United States.

Things have changed, even though the embargo hasn't. Several South
American countries with expanding economies, notably Brazil and
Venezuela, have established robust trade relationships with Cuba
covering raw materials, manufactured goods, international banking and
other financial services. Cuba also has formal diplomatic relationships
with many countries around the world.

Meanwhile, the United States has established vigorous trade
relationships with countries, including Saudi Arabia and China, with
human rights records at least as bad as that built by Castro.

Given that a presidential election is on and that Florida is a crucial
state in the electoral process, there is little chance that any U.S.
politicians will antagonize the influential expatriate Cuban population
there by advocating an end to the useless embargo and better ties with Cuba.

That's a shame. The Castros have to die someday. The United States
should prepare now to be in a strong position, beyond that ensured by
geography, to foster self-determination, peace and prosperity in Cuba.

http://www.progress-index.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=19324926&BRD=2271&PAG=461&dept_id=462943&rfi=6

Cuba: not quite libre for business

Cuba: not quite libre for business
By Tom Stevenson
Last Updated: 1:01am GMT 24/02/2008

Wardour Street is a shadow of Old Havana but the band had just flown in
from Cuba and the bar was a replica of the one "Papa" Hemingway propped
up in the Batista years. Even mid-week, Floridita London was humming as
I sipped my Daiquiri with Max, the general manager.

Andrew Macdonald, whose dream it was to bring Havana's most famous bar
to the world's capitals, chooses his words carefully when discussing
this week's power shift in Havana. And so he might. As one of very few
British entrepreneurs doing business with Fidel Castro's communist
government, the chief executive of Havana Holdings, the company behind
the Floridita restaurant, music and cigars group, knows silence is
golden when it comes to Cuban politics.

"It's our policy never to comment on anything political, but it's fair
to say that the economy is opening up," he said as he set out from Soho
for his once-a-month flight to the Cuban capital. "Whether it's the
presidential succession or just the growth of the Cuban economy, I don't
know, but there's been a step change in the desire to do business."

Macdonald, and his brother Ranald, head of the clan Macdonald and a
major shareholder in the Boisdale restaurant group, have made it their
mission to bring the glamour and excitement of 1950s Havana to the rest
of the world. Launched in 2004 after three years of negotiations with
Castro's government, Floridita was named London's number one bar a year
after it opened.

The announcement of Cuba's new president today could mark the beginning
of the end of the island's experiment with communism under Fidel Castro,
who announced his resignation this week. Politically, it is a watershed,
but no one expects dramatic economic changes to happen overnight,
especially if power is transferred to Castro's 76-year-old younger
brother Raul, de facto leader for the last 18 months.

In theory, the end of Fidel's rule opens the door to reforms that the
younger Castro has hinted at over the past year and a half. Some changes
have already taken place, reflecting his admiration of the Chinese
model, where capitalist practices are allowed on the understanding that
the political system remains unchallenged.
advertisement

Cubans have been allowed to open restaurants in their homes and a
two-tier currency has emerged with domestic pesos trading side by side
with a convertible version. Tourism, the mainstay of the Cuban economy
after the decline of its sugar industry, demands a grudging engagement
with overseas capital.

But the key to lasting changes remains the end of the trade embargo
introduced by President Eisenhower in 1960 and strengthened by the
Helms-Burton Act of 1996 which precludes the US from recognising an
unelected Cuban government.

A relic of the Cold War, the embargo is so strict Cuba can't buy
equipment abroad if it includes more than 10pc American components.
Ships that dock in Havana are banned from US ports for six months.

The aim of the embargo was to strangle Cuba and force change in the
communist island 90 miles off America's Florida coast. Opponents of the
embargo believe it has had the opposite effect, giving Castro a bogeyman
on which to pin blame for his country's economic shortcomings. It has
certainly been self-defeating for American firms, preventing them from
investing in Cuba's oil industry, agriculture and tourism.

Cuba has been a remarkable survivor under Castro, with predictions of
its imminent collapse consistently proving to be over-optimistic. Even
when Cuba faced its greatest crisis, the collapse of the Soviet Union in
the early 1990s, Castro introduced just enough foreign investment and
dollar-earning tourism to fend off catastrophe. Recently, Venezuela's
President Chavez has ridden to the rescue, supplying the island with an
estimated $2.6bn of oil a year.

The State Department ruled out an early end to the embargo this week,
dismissing Castro's resignation as a "transfer of authority and power
from dictator to dictator light". Foreign firms and investors are
resigned to waiting for a less intransigent US administration or the
death of the Castros, or both.

Andrew Macdonald is surprised by the lack of interest in Cuba from
British companies. "In November, I attended the Havana Commercial Fair.
There were 900 companies from around the world and not one of them was
from the UK," he said.

Already enjoying a healthy Cuba trade is Virgin Atlantic, which has
flown twice a week to Havana for the past three years and is considering
increasing its flights. Paul Charles, a spokesman for the airline, says:
"It's a booming market, flights are full and it's a very popular
destination."

Other companies likely to be the biggest beneficiaries of a thawing in
relations between Cuba and the US include cruise line operators such as
Carnival and Royal Caribbean which could see thousands of tourists make
the short hop from Miami.

Imperial Tobacco's acquisition of Altadis last month puts the UK tobacco
giant in pole position to cash in on the American love affair with
cigars. The US consumes 50pc of the world's cigars and Altadis's 2000
acquisition of a 50pc stake in Habanos gives it control over some of the
world's leading brands, including Winston Churchill's favourite, Romeo y
Julieta. An Imperial spokesman said: "It is early days and it would be
inappropriate to comment on events in Cuba but we are very enthusiastic
about Habanos." One analyst said the end of the US embargo could add 2pc
to Imperial's earnings.

The Herzfeld Caribbean Basin fund, one of the few publicly quoted plays
on life after Castro, jumped by 17pc this week. It invests in around 20
countries around the Caribbean that will benefit if Cuba opens up.

After the US elections later this year a new era of détente looks
likely. Until then, wannabe Hemingways without the time or money to fly
to Havana can raise a mojito in Soho to a happier Cuba.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/money/main.jhtml?xml=/money/2008/02/24/cccuba124.xml

Monday, February 25, 2008

The end of the Cuban Revolution

The end of the Cuban Revolution
published: Sunday | February 24, 2008
Martin Henry, Contributor

Fidel Castro's Cuban Revolution is dead - but not buried yet. But long
before the birth of the revolution, astute observers of socialism saw
that the system was inherently unstable and destined to collapse. When
the Russian Revolution was only five years old, Austrian economist
Ludwig von Mises, in 1922, published a master-piece on the weak-nesses
of socialism as an economic and political system.

It is not likely that the young Fidel and his friends, mastering their
Marx, would have read von Mises' Socialism: An Economic and Sociological
Analysis, or Hayek, or the other serious critics of socialism. Or if
they had, they would have dismissed them out of hand as bourgeois
reactionaries worthy of execution by firing squad, the favoured
communist means of dispatching enemies. The Cuban Communist Party has
subsequently dispatched many that way, including heroes of the revolution.

The Cuban Revolution has survived the predicted collapse of Soviet
communism and the Soviet state and its Eastern European satellites and
of communism in much of the rest of the word. It will not survive - for
long - the departure of the 'Old Man'. That's what they call Fidel in Cuba.

Journalists jailed

Ironically, on the very day that Castro announced that he would not
aspire to nor accept the posts of president of the Council of State and
commander-in-chief of the armed forces, only hours before on this
historic Tuesday, this newspaper carried the story, "IAPA renews call
for release of jailed Cuban journalists". The story listed 25
journalists "who remain behind bars for working as independent reporters."

Jamaica, which has one of the freest media in the hemisphere, has had an
ups-and-downs relationship with Castro's Cuba during our nearly 46 years
of Independence, three years short of Castro's rule. On the whole, we
have had more principled relations than the belligerent United States,
which has singled out Cuba for the most unrelenting opposition. The USA
established cordial relations with communist Vietnam in which 50,000 US
servicemen died in a lost anti-communism war, but not with Cuba.
Communist China enjoys Most Favoured Nation status, while nine US
presidents have maintained a trade embargo against Cuba.

Cuba has been generous to Jamaica, although the prosperity which the
revolution promised never materialised, a socialist situation which can
be and has been conveniently explained away by the US embargo. We have
had gifts of schools, micro dams, medical personnel, teachers, and, most
recently, free eye care, which went far better for visually impaired
Jamaicans whose own free government did not help them than a reflexively
critical media would have us believe. At a certain point in time, many
Jamaicans felt that Fidel Castro was an influential threat to our own
cherished democratic freedoms and took appropriate action.

Cuba was a critical and sacrificial player in the liberation struggles
of Southern Africa, terminating in the fall of apartheid in South Africa
and the rise of Nelson Mandela, who with Fidel Castro, is a monumental
figure of the 20th century and of world history. Cuban armed forces,
with disproportionately black combatants, pushed back the South African
Defence Force, the best in sub-Saharan Africa, in a series of historic
engagements in Angola in the 1980s. In my column of April 15, 2004,
"Cuba and the end of apartheid", I noted: "For 137 days in 1987/88 the
internationalist forces of Cuba, fighting alongside the MPLA, engaged
the South African Defence Force in Southern Angola and finally drove its
troops back into Namibia which was under South African occupation."

At his inauguration, Nelson Mandela reserved a bear hug for Fidel Castro
and reportedly told him, "We owe this day to you."

In a 1991 visit to Cuba, Mandela told the Cuban people on the
anniversary of their revolution, July 26: "That impressive defeat of the
racist army ... gave Angola the possibility of enjoying peace and
consolidating its sovereignty. It gave the people of Namibia their
independence, demoralised the white racist regime of Pretoria and
inspired the anti-apartheid forces inside South Africa. Without the
defeat inflicted at Cuito Cuanavale, our organisations never would have
been legalised."

Profound tribute

When he concluded, Fidel Castro observed that Mandela's remarks
constituted "the greatest and most profound tribute ever paid to our
internationalist combatants."

In 1998, on his second visit to South Africa, Castro received a
"tumultuous welcome". One reporter said: "As Castro entered the
parliamentary chamber, African National Congress leaders jumped to their
feet, clapping and chanting, 'Fidel! Fidel! Fidel!' His speech was
interrupted with applause on 33 occasions. Black South Africans remember
him as a firm ally of the African National Congress who backed the fight
against apartheid and helped win their freedom.

Cuba eradicated illiteracy just a few years after Castro came to power
and has one of the best health-care systems in the developing world. But
I couldn't help noticing that the deep class and race divides of Cuban
society had remained impervious to communist intervention and were very
visible in a 2003 visit. And so was roaring street commerce in US
dollars. Cuba manufactures its own US coins but gets dollar bills
through remittances and third-party trade. Soon after that visit, the
Castro regime sought to shut down the incursions of capitalism by
restricting entrepreneurial activity.

But hundreds of Cubans died seeking to flee their socialist paradise,
some killed by the state, others perishing at sea. Hundreds have
languished in jail. Dozens have been imprisoned and executed as enemies
of the state just for wanting and agitating for freedom. The Soviet
Union lasted just over 80 years, Eastern European communist states a
little over 50. The Cuban Revolution approaches 50 years. The Old Man, a
giant of history, is gone. The revolution he built on the sands of
socialism is bound to follow him sooner than later, swept away by winds
of change.

Martin Henry is a communications consultant.

http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20080224/cleisure/cleisure2.html