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Monday, October 03, 2011

The Cuba We Have and the One We Want / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado

The Cuba We Have and the One We Want / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado
Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado, Translator: Unstated

A collaboration with Rafael Leon Rodriguez, General Coordinator of the
Cuban Democratic Project from the event "Cuba today, Cuba tomorrow" that
took place Saturday, September 17 in Miami, FL.

The latest measures adopted to make self-employment more flexible, after
the publication by the Official Gazette of the extraordinary issues 28
and 29 last Friday September 9th, containing the resolutions and law
decrees that legalize them, drive one to think that the political will
of the highest Cuban authorities exists so as to continue down the path
of economic reforms. Some reductions in tax quotas, the raising of the
number of customers allowed in private eating establishments
("Paladares") to 50, and the lowering of minimum quotas for renting
rooms by 25% attest to this.

Despite many material limitations, since wholesale markets have not been
established, an important sector of society directs its interest toward
these new modalities of employment and economic pursuits, that already
amount to 181 approved activities.

On the other hand, expectations regarding modifications to Resolution
259 (private profit from use of productive land) that entail being able
to hold farms beyond ten years, the possibility of building permanent
housing on them and the long-awaited increase of areas assigned to this
production mode, push forward this new sphere of agricultural production.

Since the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party last April, during which
the nominated Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy of the Party and
the Revolution were approved, to date, one can state that a deceleration
in the implementation of some of the measures that affect the population
directly, such as elimination of subsidies for the basic family basket,
and the reduction of payrolls in some work centers, which would increase
unemployment. These government political decisions certify that there is
a preoccupation on the part of authorities with preventing social
irritants that would endanger their control and public order.
Nonetheless, one can visualize their intention to confront State
bureaucratic resistance to changes, since these, in some measure, affect
the special interests of the strata of society dedicated to the
administration of the State.

In the midst of a global economic crisis, when unconditional supporters
of Cuba's governing elite continue to diminish and with unfavorable
prospects of their being able to stop this process, it is significant
that they stay the course in the direction chosen for the
transformations that have been proposed. We know that the conservation
of political power has been, and is, the first priority of the
authorities, guaranteeing thus dynastic succession, and from this comes
the immobility towards recognizing an independent civil society and
political opposition and the signing of the United Nation's Pact of
Civil, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

Nonetheless, and independently from the causes that motivated it, Cuban
authorities decreed an amnesty last year that benefited a large number
of political prisoners or prisoners of conscience and allowed many of
them to leave the country with their relatives. They have reiterated
that by the end of the year they will liberalize, in some measure,
travel restrictions from or into Cuba for Cuban citizens, and will end
legal obstacles for the sale, purchase and transfer of houses and
automobiles. All these measures have been happening and developing
without external increased flexibility towards the authoritarian
government by the forces that participate and in fact have influence on
the Cuban topic: the government of the United States with their embargo
and the European Union with their Common Position.

On several occasions the thesis of the double blockade has been
supported: the embargo of Cuba by the US government and the blockade
from Cuban authorities toward the people with regards to innumerable
restrictions to liberty and rights that limit their chances of reaching
a dignified standard of living. In some fashion, we find ourselves now
in a transitional context that can facilitate, after a fifty-year wait
filled with obstacles and failures, a peaceful aperture towards a
democratic state based on the rule of law that will allow us to succeed
in the search for liberties and the common good. Any way you look at it,
the so-called Government Economic Model is a failure and has no
solution. Against it conspire, not only the natural laws of economics
but also the State bureaucracy, with its endemic petty corruption and
the aging of the ruling caste.

With regards to civil society, independently of a specific cases and
facts, the non-violent political opposition has not demonstrated, to
date, that it possesses the ability to mobilize the population so as to
impose its demands, although increasingly it has become the popular
reference point for the nature of real change. Nonetheless, Cuban
totalitarian authorities, certainly concerned by the current events in
the North of Africa and other potential conflict areas, seem irritated
and react, in certain occasions disproportionately, to situations that
don't justify it.

There is an imaginative collection of varied prospective visions
regarding Cuba, arising as much from current living circumstances as
from our recent history and the supposed events that, in a near future,
could develop. A part of these visions includes specific elements that
are shared and essential for Cuba to steer in the direction of liberties
and democracy. Among them are:

The liberation of all prisoners held for non-violent political
motives that still remain in prison, after the last amnesty.
Ratification and implementation by Cuban totalitarian authorities
of the United Nation's Pact of Civil, Political, Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights.
Recognition by the Cuban totalitarian authorities of an independent
civil society and of political pluralism in Cuba.
Implementation of the right to information, the right to inform
others and access to the Internet

Another topic of transcendental importance is the participation of the
Cuban diaspora in the reconstruction of the nation. Not only from
necessary economic considerations, but also towards the reconstitution
of the plural national spirit and restitution of its traditional unique
traditions. In this direction, the totalitarian authorities of the
islands have an obligation to recognize the nationality of all Cubans
who live in foreign lands, including recognition of double nationality
in those cases where new legislation created to this effect deem it
appropriate.

In another sphere, ingrained opinions are debated regarding the need to
obtain unity among the different sectors of the non-violent political
opposition. Some prefer joining rather than uniting. Historically, the
Cuban non-violent opposition has been plural, and this has defended it
from the insidious activities of the political police, among other
matters. Joining, based on common arguments and aspirations, appears to
be what is most convenient.

There is a long list of potential steps that could be taken to move in
the direction of nursing and providing impulse to the irreversible
political changes in Cuba; in summary, it would be enough to bring back
the magic formula of creating bridges and removing obstacles, so as to
bring closer, in trust, in solidarity and in peace, all of us, the Cubans.

Rafael Leon Rodriguez
General Coordinator
Cuban Democratic Project
San Cristobal de la Habana, 11 September 2011

Translated by: lapizcero

September 19 2011

http://translatingcuba.com/?p=12013

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