EPA
By Rupert Cornwell
Wednesday, 20 February 2008
Just a few more months and it would have been 10. Fidel Castro had
already seen off nine US presidents, and had he hung on until 20 January
2009, George Bush would have joined them.
Undoubtedly Mr Castro would have liked nothing better, but physical
frailty, it seems, has had the last word. But, as long as he lives, his
shadow will fall over whoever succeeds him. And as long as Mr Castro
draws breath, he will be a reminder of how little has changed in this
corner of the world since Dwight Eisenhower – the 34th president and
first on the Castro contemporaries list – bequeathed to his successor,
John Kennedy, a secret plan to invade Cuba that resulted in the 1961
fiasco of the Bay of Pigs.
In his declining years Mr Castro has become, for better or worse, a
listed global monument, a relic of the vanished age of Kennedy,
Khrushchev and superpower brinkmanship, and of national liberation wars
led by revolutionaries in dusty military fatigues. Nearly half a century
on he is still wearing the fatigues, even though the revolution had
fossilised into a regime sustained primarily by the economic siege
imposed by Cuba's giant neighbour to the north.
In power since 1959, he has been the world's longest-serving ruler
(although King Bhumibol Adulyade of Thailand, the head of state but not
of government, has been around since 1946). The defining reality of the
Castro era has been the regime's relations with the US, under leaders
from Eisenhower to George Bush Jnr.
In fact, Mr Castro's first contact with an occupant of the White House
was cordial enough, a letter the 13-year-old schoolboy sent to Franklin
Roosevelt in 1940, asking for a $10 bill. "Never, I have not seen a ten
dollars bill green American and I would like to have one of them," he
wrote, signing off as "Your friend". In reply, Mr Castro received a
pro-forma letter, but sadly no money – and for his ties with the US it
was downhill all the way thereafter. Two decades later, his guerrilla
army toppled the pro-US dictator Fulgencio Batista, and Cuba's
undeclared war with Washington began.
Successive US administrations kept up the pressure, with the exception
of Jimmy Carter. But that brief thaw ended with the Mariel boat lift of
1980, as Mr Castro encouraged a mass exodus by sea of 120,000 Cubans to
the US (including many hardened criminals and people who were mentally
ill) to cope with a domestic political crisis. Relations returned to a
chill that not even the demise of the Soviet Union could lift. Under
George Bush Jnr, who has further tightened travel and financial
restrictions against the island, the climate has become frostier still.
The confrontation, however, leaves most rational outsiders baffled. What
is it about Cuba, they wonder, that makes otherwise sane American
leaders lose their own sense of reason?
After all, a country of 11 million people, with a GDP of $45bn dollars –
equal to 0.3 per cent of that of the US – offers not the slightest
conceivable security threat. To be sure, dilapidated Cuba is no benign
socialist paradise. Thousands of opponents were executed in the early
years of the revolution. Today, Mr Castro's regime holds large numbers
of political prisoners, suppresses freedom of expression and otherwise
tramples on human rights. But is it that much worse than other
countries, from the Middle East to China, which Washington counts as
allies? Yet Cuba alone is treated as a special enemy, a source of
potential Communist contagion that endangers the hemisphere.
By one (admittedly sympathetic) calculation, Mr Castro has survived 638
assassination attempts by the CIA, by such devices as exploding cigars,
poisoned food and an infected diving suit. Every year a farcical vote
takes place in the United Nations General Assembly in which it declares
its opposition to America's economic blockade of Cuba. The 2007 edition
took place last October, when the resolution was upheld by 184 to four.
Those voting against were the US, Israel, Palau, and the Marshall
Islands. Oh yes, Micronesia abstained.
By any measure, the US embargo has been utterly counterproductive. Not
only has it failed to hasten the demise of Mr Castro and the return of
democracy. Most dispassionate observers believe the blockade has
positively hindered those two goals, by hardening the sympathies of a
strongly nationalistic people, and permitting Mr Castro to present
himself as a victim of Yanqui imperialism. Quite possibly nothing would
do more to undermine the regime than the lifting of all US sanctions.
There are other, wider consequences for the US, and no less adverse.
Washington's bullying of Cuba has soured ties with many Latin American
countries. It has also fuelled the growth of an anti-US bloc on the
continent, spearheaded by Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, taunter
of Washington and Mr Castro's most devoted foreign friend.
So will US policy now change? There is little immediate sign. Hopes were
briefly raised when the Democrats regained control of Congress at the
2006 midterm elections, but those advocating a more liberal approach
were disappointed. As for the Bush administration, it repeats the litany
of the last quarter century: nothing will change until Cuba itself
changes. The embargo, John Negroponte, the deputy Secretary of State,
said yesterday, would not be lifted "anytime soon".
But President Bush, as noted, will not be around much longer, and among
those vying to succeed him some intriguing policy differences have
emerged. The standard wisdom has been that no candidate will stick his
or her neck out over Cuba, for fear of upsetting Cuban-American voters,
fiercely anti-Castro and concentrated in important states such as New
Jersey and above all Florida, decisive in the 2000 presidential election.
But the political equation may be shifting. For one thing, the
Cuban-American vote is less monolithic than before. For another, only
the blind cannot see the absurdity of existing American policy. In a
campaign where the lone superpower's attitude to countries it dislikes –
most obviously, of course, Iran – is already being hotly debated, Cuba
could yet feature large.
Predictably John McCain, the all-but-certain Republican nominee, is most
resistant to a new departure. Mr Castro's resignation, he declared
yesterday, was "an opportunity for Cuba" – in other words, only when
Cuba has transformed itself should the US transform its policies.
Hillary Clinton adopted a similar, though more guarded, approach. But
her rival, Barack Obama, is already on record in support of an easing of
restrictions on travel and financial remittances to Cuba, insisting that
the time for re-assessment has come. And maybe Mr Castro knows something
the rest of us don't. As long ago as last August, he predicted that a
Clinton-Obama ticket would be "apparently unbeatable".
I wish to fight on as a soldier of ideas
Dear compatriots,
I promised you on 15 February that in my next reflections I would touch
on a subject of interest for many compatriots. This time that reflection
takes the form of a message...
I held the honourable position of President for many years... I always
exercised the necessary prerogatives to carry forward our revolutionary
work with the support of the vast majority of the people.
Knowing about my critical state of health, many people overseas thought
that my provisional resignation from the post of President of the
Council of State on 31 July 2006, leaving it in the hands of the First
Vice-President, Raul Castro, was definitive. Raul... and my other
comrades in the party leadership and the state, were reluctant to think
of me removed from my posts despite my precarious state of health...
Preparing the people for my psychological and political absence was my
primary obligation... I never ceased to say we were dealing with a
recuperation that was "not free from risk". My desire was always to
carry out my duties until my final breath...
To my close compatriots... I tell you that I will not aspire to or
accept... the post of President of the Council of State and
commander-in-chief.
The path will always be difficult and will require the intelligent
strength of all of us... "Be as prudent in success as you stand firm in
adversity" is a principle that must not be forgotten. The adversary we
must defeat is extremely strong, but we have kept him at bay for half a
century.
I do not bid you farewell. My only wish is to fight as a soldier of
ideas. I will continue to write under the title "Reflections of Comrade
Fidel". It will be another weapon in the arsenal on which you will be
able to count. Perhaps my voice will be heard. I will be careful.
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